ON COMMODITY PRODUCTION, THE LAW OF VALUE, MARKET AND PLANNING
Unless the higher phase of
communism, the society of plenty, is reached, the first phase of
communism, "the communist society as it comes out of
capitalism", will inevitably have some defects inherited
from capitalism, and will be in a position to use some of the
capitalist relations and categories, on condition that these are
restricted and gradually overcome in the service of communism.
In the first phase of communism, one of the most important fields
where the defects inherited from capitalism are seen is the field
where distribution and personal consumption is realised.
In the higher phase of communism which is the society of plenty
everybody will work according to their talent and will consume
according to their needs. Social benefit or the production of use
values will be the only element of consumption and subsequently
of the production of goods to be presented for consumption. Also,
without any outside effects, individuals will be completely free
to consume goods that are useful to them. This will be possible
if there is superabundance.
However, if there is not sufficient to realise "to each
according to his needs", in other words, in the first phase
of communism, under the conditions where use values are not
sufficient to meet the needs of all, a criterion of meeting the
needs of individuals will be necessary. When an individual
contributing his labour to society cannot receive according to
his needs from it, there can be only one criterion to determine
the quantity of the goods for consumption he will receive, as
society has not yet "discovered" another criterion:
"According to his labour". An individual will receive
from society the production of labour which is equivalent to the
quantity of labour he contributes (undoubtedly, after the
necessary reduction for social funds is made, in other words,
less than he contributes).
However, this means that there still exists a relation of
exchange. A certain amount of labour in one form is exchanged for
labour in another form, equivalent to the former. This means that
the goods that are subject to distribution, the products consumed
by individuals, goods for consumption have an exchange value as
well as a use value. This means that commodity production and the
law of value is operational. So it is.
In the first phase of communism, goods for consumption are
produced as commodities and are subject to commodity circulation.
Their values are determined by the amount of social labour
performed in their production.
Marx has pointed to this subject in the famous passage in his
Critique of the Gotha Programme:
"... Accordingly, the individual receives back from society
-after the deductions have been made- exactly what he gives to
it. What he has given to it is his individual quantum of labour.
For example, the social working day consists of the sum of the
individual hours of work; the individual labour time of the
individual producer is the part of the social working day
contributed by him, his share in it. He receives a certificate
from society that he has furnished such and such an amount of
labour (after deducting his labour for the common funds), and
with this certificate he draws from the social stock of means of
consumption as much as the same amount of labour costs. The same
amount of labour which he has given to society in one form he
receives back in another.
"Here obviously the same principle prevails as that which
regulates the excahnge of commodities, as far as this is excahnge
of equal values. Content and form are changed, because under the
altered circumstances no one can give anything except his labour,
and because, on the other hand, nothing can pass into the
ownership of individuals except individual means of consumption.
But, as far as the distribution of the latter among the
individual producers is concerned, the same principle prevails as
in the exchange of commodity-equivalents: a given amount of
labour in one form is excahnged for an equal amount of labour in
another form.
"Hence, equal right here is still, in principle, bourgeois
right, although principle and practice are no longer at
loggerheads, while the excahnge of equivalents in commodity
excahnge exists only on the average and not in the individual
case.
"In spite of this advance, this equal right is still
perpetually burdened with a bourgeois limitation. The right of
the producers is proportional to the labour they supply; the
equality consists in the fact that measurement is made with an
equal standard, labour..."
The principle of exchange of equivalents is a principle of
bourgeois law, but it is valid in the first phase of communism,
"the communist society as coming out of capitalist
society". This is the same principle as the one related to
the production and exchange of commodities.
In the first phase, there is a kind of commodity exchange (and
undoubtedly commodity production). However, the nature and form
of this commodity production and exchange is different; because
the conditions are different. The means of production are owned
by society, and labour is performed for society. As an individual
nobody can contribute anything (for example, capital) apart from
labour, and one can get ownership only of goods for consumption
(not of the means of production, for example, that will function
as capital). There is no possibility of using others' labour and
of extracting surplus value; labour force is not a commodity and
it is used only for the benefit of society. In these conditions
it is very natural that the nature and form of commodity
production changes and makes it impossible to pave the way to
capitalism.
Distribution "according to labour" as an inevitable
result of the relative shortage of labour (resources) and the
relatively low level of development of productive forces and
labour productivity, and the fact that as commodities, even
though in a different form, goods for individual consumption are
in the sphere of the influence of the law of value, coincide with
the relative underdevelopment in the organisation of social
labour. In terms of Russia, with the data of 1938, private
property in industry and agriculture was negligible. Even though
individual secondary business of the co-operative peasant (small
private production in their garden, some livestock, etc.) is not
of great importance, and even though only social enterprises are
taken into consideration, there are differences resulting from
relative underdevelopment. Social labour was organised in state
and co-operative enterprises. State enterprises were completely
in social ownership because of the material and technical basis
of production and because of the workers being distant from the
feeling, prejudice and habit of ownership. Co-operatives, on the
other hand, use the main state-owned means of production on
state-owned lands, but they still own certain means of production
(some draft animals, tools, transport instruments, buildings,
etc.), and what is produced belongs to them. This is because
there is a relative underdevelopment in the complete
mechanisation of agriculture and the peasants are not yet
uninterested in private property although they enter the path of
collectivism. Although cooperative ownership is a social
ownership, the level of socialisation there is relatively
backward; cooperatives as a whole are not under social ownership
but the member of cooperative is under collective ownership,
there is group ownership.
This difference of socialisation necessitates exchange between
the state and cooperatives, between the cooperatives, and between
cooperatives and individuals. This exchange as the exchange of
equivalents is done in line with the principle that dominates
commodity exchange. This is the only way that it can be done.
This is a natural result of the fact that cooperative production
is commodity production. It is only in the form of commodity
exchange that the link between the town and the country can be
realised: the town contributes industrial products to the
cooperatives and gets raw materials and agricultural products in
return. Going beyond this and getting rid of commodity requires
the eradication of differences between the forms of ownership and
the creation of a single advanced form of social ownership.
Otherwise labour productivity will not rise rapidly on a
relatively narrow and underdeveloped ownership and technical
base. Stalin points to this fact as a condition for preparing for
the transition to the higher phase of communism:
"... It is necessary to ascend the collective farm property
gradually onto the level of general property of the people for
the benefit of collective farms and consequently of the society
as a whole, and to replace commodity circulation through a slow
transition with a system of exchange of products, so that the
central power or another social-economic centre can incorporate
total product of social production for the interests of
society." (Stalin, Collected Works, Volume 16, p.339 -
Turkish edition)
However, under the conditions where productive forces are
relatively underdeveloped and where different forms of social
ownership are inevitable as a result of this underdevelopment,
this means expansion of the field of commodity production and
exchange. In the first phase, alongside goods for individual
consumption, production based on group ownership is also
commodity production. This is not all: Industrial products
produced with the aim of exchange with the enterprises based on
group ownership are also commodities.
However, under the conditions when the appropriators are
appropriated, when socialist ownership of the means of production
is realised and when the proletariat is in power, commodity
production, as has been stated, has a different and special
character in terms of essence and form. Labour power is no more a
commodity and is broken away from private property and capital.
This kind of commodity production and exchange can exist under
the conditions where there is no space for exploitation. It is
drawn into a certain limit and is restricted. It is neither
limitless nor does it cover the economy as a whole or stamp it.
On the contrary it is tied to socialist production:
"Commodity production should not be considered as something
self-sufficient which is independent from the economic conditions
surrounding it. Commodity production is older than the capitalist
production. It existed in the slavery system and served that
system; but it did not lead to capitalism. It existed in the
feudal system and served that system; but it did not lead to
capitalism even though it created certain pre-conditions for the
capitalist production. The question "why cannot commodity
production serve our socialist society for a certain period
without paving the way to capitalism?" poses itself, taking
into consideration the fact that it operates under a definite
restriction owing to some determining economic conditions such as
the fact that our commodity production is not unlimited and
widespread as it is under capitalist conditions, social ownership
of the means of production, the abolition of the system of
waged-work and of exploitation system." (ibid., p. 292-293)
If a series of tools and equipment that socialist industry sells
to cooperatives are left to one side, after private property is
abolished almost completely, in the first phase, the sphere of
commodity production and exchange is restricted to the main goods
of individual consumption and to cooperative products. The means
of production are not commodities. Distribution of the means of
production among various state enterprises is not in the sphere
of commodity exchange, nor does it mean that the means of
production are commodities. The operating of the agrarian
machines gathered in Machine and Tractor Stations for the
cooperatives does not mean that they are in the sphere of
commodity exchange or that they are commodities. State
enterprises do not constitute a different property unit or
"autonomous decision units" like "autonomous
institutions"; there is no exchange between them; only the
state distributes the means of production to its organs which
need them. The ownership of the means of production does not
change hands. As we are going to see, the means of production,
which are not commodities in essence, keep the form of commodity
only for balance sheet and calculation purposes; they only have
values which are expressed through their prices for calculation
purposes.
The question of use value and exchange value
Alec Nove attacks socialist
planning with the excuse, that he considers as a shortcoming of
Marx, that "use values are not comparable" and that
exchange value is not taken into account (is not based on value).
Undoubtedly, without being based on the exchange value of the
goods that are to be priced in the market and if exchange of
equivalents is not given a regulatory role (if market conditions
are not accepted) without a restriction, he believes that
planning does not have the criterion for comparison of use
values, therefore calculation is not possible and that the only
thing possible is for the central command to make arbitrary
comparisons. In this case planning becomes impossible. Nove tells
a distorted story by wrongly attributing to Marx on the subject
of use value and exchange value, mixing them together and often
establishing impossible interrelations between use value and
profit. What he demands is clear: The market should be the
regulating power.
This clearly is a series of confusions mixing use value and
exchange value. But again the intention is clear: We cannot do
without the market!
Undoubtedly, independently of the mode of production, all
production is for use. There is no production that is not
designed for use or consumption. However the way this use is
regulated is a fundamental question: Whether use will be realised
by the valuation of the goods in the market, or, without the
interference of that notorious law of value, when it is thrown
into the bin of history or in that process, by restricting its
role of regulating production (and consequently use)?
The suggestion that Marx did not give importance to use value is
simply wrong. He argues that under capitalist conditions use
values are subject to exchange and that for the buyer they
undoubtedly should have usefulness (should constitute use value),
they should constitute a social use value; but their values,
independently of their use values -not because they are
"valuable" for some-, demonstrate themselves in the
amount of socially necessary labour that is performed for their
production. The exchange between commodities does not take place
according to their usefulness; they can be compared and exchanged
in accordance with the amount of socially necessary labour they
inherit. Because what is common to all the commodities is that
they are all embodied human labour. For example air; can Nove
deny its magnificent usefulness and its use value for humans? But
it has no value as it is not a product of labour. Yet nobody
would exchange air.
As to the commodities, their dual character (constituting use
value and exchange value) is a result of the dual character of
labour. Use value is created by concrete individual labour. Value
on the other hand is linked with abstract human labour, i.e.
social labour, irrespective of the source or form of labour. In
capitalism (and in commodity production in capitalism) the
producers (workers and small producers), provided they are
organised individually or socially, perform their labour as
individual labour; and they are alienated from the social
consequences of their labour. The socialisation of labour under
capitalism is realised through a series of capitalist categories
and mechanism (private ownership of the means of production,
labour power becoming a commodity, anarchic production, surplus
value, prices, market, etc.) and as a process against the
labourers. Value, expressed in market prices and set just as an
average, is shaped in the market. In capitalism concrete
individual labour is an object of exploitation, and the product
it creates in the social process of production is appropriated
privately. Labour is performed for others and it is dependent;
its social character is realised through private property.
Therefore, under capitalism, private and concrete individual
labour contradicts social labour which is realised only in the
process of exchange, i.e. the market, and which, therefore, is an
abstract category. For this reason use value and exchange value
bear this contradiction in their bosom.
This contradiction disappears when private ownership of the means
of production is put an end. When the use value of individual
labour is expressed in value through market (and money)
relations, its transformation into social labour ceases. Labour
is no more an individual, private labour; it directly gains a
social character.
In terms of the superabundant society which Nove considers as a
utopia, Marx -who, according to Nove, did not say anything about
this- clarifies the question:
"Within the co-operative society based on common ownership
of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their
products; just as little does the labour employed on the products
appear here as the value of these products, as an objective
quality possessed by them, since now, ... individual labour no
longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component
part of the total labour..."
In his Anti-Duhring, on the question of calculation in terms of
planning, Engels talks about the necessity of taking into account
the amount of necessary labour in producing the products just to
meet the requirements of this calculation. And in a foot note on
this question he says that "in a communist society, this
evaluation between useful effect and performed labour will be the
only thing that is left over from the political economy's concept
of value". He then openly declares the end of
"value" in the higher phase of communism:
"As soon as society takes possession of the means of
production and employs them for production in direct association,
the labour of every one, no matter how different its specifically
useful character may be, becomes from the outset direct social
labour. The quantity of social labour contained in a product does
not then require to become ascertained in a roundabout way; daily
experience indicates directly how much social labour is on the
average necessary. Society can simply calculate how many hours of
labour are contained in a steam engine, in one bushel of wheat of
the last harvest, in a hundred square yards of cloth of a
definite quality. It does not, therefore, occur to it to continue
to express the quantity it then knows directly and absolutely, in
the old merely relative, fluctuating, inadequate measure which
had earlier been a necessary expedient, that is, in a third
product, instead of in its natural, adequate and absolute
measure, time... Accordingly under the foregoing assumptions,
society will ascribe no value to the products. It will not
express the simple fact that the hundred square yards of cloth
have required, if you like, a thousand hours of labour.
Undoubtedly society will then be obliged to know how much labour
each useful article requires for its production. It will have to
arrange the plan of production in accordance with the means of
production, to which also in particular the labour-powers belong.
The effective utilities of the different objects of use balanced
among one another and in relation to the quantities of labour
necessary for their production, will ultimately determine the
plan. The people will arrange everything very simply without the
intervention of the much-famed 'value'."
The same thing is also emphasised by Marx, who is suggested not
to have said anything about this subject:
"...After the abolition of the capitalist mode of
production, but with social production still in vogue, the
determination of value continues to prevail in such a way that
the regulation of the labour time and the distribution of the
social labour among the various groups of production, also the
keeping of accounts in connection with this, become more
essential than ever." (K. Marx, Capital, Volume 3, Chapter
49)
Obviously in the higher phase of communism value will no longer
have exchange value; products will only be meaningful with their
use value, in other words, with their useful effects for
individuals and society. This also means the end of the law of
value. What is also important is that what will be left over from
value will only be the register of the necessary labour time for
the production of the products determined by planning which also
determines the distribution of social labour.
Is what Nove asks, "who is going to decide this?",
relevant here? Undoubtedly this will be determined socially.
Under such conditions where the state ceases, a social-economic
organ in which everyone can participate will determine and
implement all this. In other words, "bureaucracy" which
is considered by Nove as inevitable in terms of "decision
making" (which is criticised by Trotskysts in the name of
the USSR) will have ceased without any remnants. From then on
anyone will be able to determine this.
What will happen then in the conditions where productive forces
are not advanced enough yet and where distribution according to
labour is valid? Especially in Russia of the 1930s where
productive forces had not yet completely become social property,
where social property existed side by side with social group
property, what is the relationship between use value and exchange
value?
As the means of production is socialised, the contradiction
between individual labour and social labour is overcome. Labour
is not socialised indirectly through market mechanism; but
directly as social labour it is distributed through the plan
between various sectors of production. Labour is not from a
special category and is not shaped as a commodity of labour
power. Above all, commodity fetishism is overcome; relationships
between humans are not "arranged" -as they are in
capitalism- as commodity relations gaining value as labour
products which are socialised through the market on the basis of
the contradiction between individual and social labour which
expresses the dual character of labour as concrete and abstract
labour. Social relations between humans are no longer considered
as relations between commodities.
However, so long as commodity production exists, the dual
character of labour, concrete and abstract labour, will continue
to have a function. This is a function which will remain so long
as the principle "according to labour" is valid instead
of "according to need", or until the superabundant
society is reached. In these conditions, there will be a
difference between the concrete labour performed socially by
individual producers and the social average labour (abstract
labour) which will determine the exchange value of commodities
which will, inevitably, still have this exchange value. A
producer could produce more than another one with the same amount
of concrete labour. A producer could be more talented or work
harder than another, etc. This means that the same product could
be produced with different amounts of labour and what will
determine the value of the product as a commodity will again not
be individual concrete labour, but abstract labour as their
social average. Exchange value is still determined by abstract
labour which has certain differences with concrete labour which
creates use value. The producer who contributes to society
through his concrete labour will, as a consumer, receive from it
commodities as a qualitative magnitude determined by abstract
labour.
We can draw two conclusions from this: Firstly, under the
conditions where commodity production is still relatively
widespread, the labour performed should, to a significant extent,
be measured with their prices, through money, not with the
criteria of time for the producers. Secondly, commodities which
are exchanged with each other (for example, the products sold by
the cooperatives at the kolkhoz market) will be exchanged on the
basis of their values based on abstract labour.
Differences in the level of socialisation of labour also take us
to the same point.
As well as differences in individual talent and productivity,
social labour also has differences resulting from the differences
related to the forms of organisation and the level of advancement
of the material-technical basis of these forms. There are
differences between socialised labour in society as a whole and
the one socialised in the kolkhozes, etc. Moreover, although on a
small scale, the cooperative peasants perform individual labour
as well in their personal enterprises. Furthermore, there is
commodity exchange (except for the means of production) between
these enterprises.
These two reasons, different levels of socialisation and the
existence of commodity exchange, make it impossible for social
labour to be expressed directly in labour-time (the
"measurement" which is necessary for calculation in the
second phase), and for different concrete labours to be compared
according to this measurement. This also means that it is not
possible to measure the labour itself by time. This therefore
makes it obligatory for social labour to be measured with value
and its forms like money. The concrete labour of producers is
measured on the basis of commodity exchange, according to
abstract labour that creates the value of the commodity. It is
not different for the labour itself either. The producer, as Marx
states, receives a certain wage measured by abstract labour
expressing the value of the products he produces, instead of a
bond showing the labour-time he performs (after social funds are
deducted).
But here the contradiction between private labour and social
labour does not play any role, nor is labour power a commodity,
nor are there conditions of private ownership of the means of
production which would make them possible. On the contrary,
labour has become socialised, it is for itself, and the producers
work for themselves. And the State of the proletariat straightens
out any imbalances between concrete labour and abstract labour
that can appear against the workers and peasants -because its
main aim is to raise people's standard of living and it follows a
policy which enables a constant rise of wages and decrease of the
prices of goods for consumption.
Not only for calculating purposes alone as is the case in the
second phase, but also for its real effect too, planning takes
into account value as well as use value. It takes into account
the use value, because as opposed to the capitalists who are
interested in the use value only to the extent that it is the
carrier of value and especially of surplus value, socialism's
main concern is the well being of the people. The production of
use values and the improvement of their qualities are of great
significance because this will meet to a greater extent the
increasing needs of society. Not giving any importance to the
production of use values would be the denial of socialism whose
primary economic law is "a constant growth and
perfectionising of production on an advanced technical base in
order to guarantee the maximum response to society's constantly
increasing material and cultural needs".
However, as long as value is not buried, and in order to serve
this burial, planning has to take value into account and give
importance to it. As planning cannot yet be based only on the
records of labour time, and as labour cannot be distributed on
this basis between various sections of production, in relation to
the production of use values, production planning can be based on
planning in value as well as planning in amount. There is no
other way of including commodity production in the plan. Without
pre-fixed plan prices, the prices that will appear as an
inevitable result of commodity production and exchange cannot be
kept under control. On the other hand, without taking into
consideration the value of commodities and the demand for them,
neither plan prices nor the amount of goods for consumption to be
produced (supply) can be determined.
In fact, with the role exchange value plays, we see that in the
first phase of communism the law of value has "not come to
an end" and still has an effect.
The law of value has an effect on distribution; it plays a
regulating role. What people receive in return for their labour
is not all the use values they need but the equivalent of their
labour. As the goods for consumption they receive in return are
produced in the form of commodities and have value, they can get
these still under the regulation of the law of value. In other
words, so long as commodity production and exchange exist, the
law of value will continue to show its effect. The law of value
is a regulator in this sphere.
However, the regulating effect of the law of value in these areas
can function in a certain framework; it becomes restricted. It is
not a regulator to form a market.
On what basis does it become restricted?
Firstly, in the urban and rural areas the means of production are
socialised. The law of value can no longer function as a
regulator, through the prices that occur in the market, of the
anarchic production that is realised as if the means of
production are in private hands. The means of production are not
subject to private property; and labour is for itself, it is
socialised.
For this reason, commodity production and circulation certainly
becomes restricted. The main means of production (and also
health, education, etc.) are no longer commodities; they are not
produced and circulated as commodities. As well as being outside
the regulating effect of the law of value this area also
restricts its regulating effect. As actual regulators and
"commanding centres" of the economy, heavy industry,
banks, etc., restrict the role of the law of value; the
regulating role of the law of value cannot affect these
"commanding centres".
The effect of the law of value is restricted due to the
fundamental economic law of socialism and the functioning of the
objective law of development of socialist economy based on
planning. Planning, yearly and five-year plans restrict the role
of the law of value.
This role is also restricted by the whole economic functioning of
the socialist state in a monopolist character.
This restricted regulating effect of the law of value is best
seen in the area of commodity circulation: A certain price
relation between goods for individual consumption is set by the
plan by taking into account the values of the commodities and the
supply and demand for them. The plan does not fix the prices of
these goods "arbitrarily"; a system of prices is set,
taking into account the compared values of all the goods, and the
demand and supply for them. In doing this the law of value
functions as a real assistant and as a real regulator. However,
if noticed, it is still not a complete regulator. There is no
market and prices are dictated; but this dictation is done in
accordance with the law of value, by taking it into account.
In the cooperative market, on the other hand, the law of value is
almost a complete regulator. There the prices are determined by
the supply-demand relation; and price fluctuations affect the
amount and variety of the commodities presented to the market.
One can even call this a "small market" which does not
embrace the economy as a whole. But this "market" is
tied to the main economy. The main bulk of commodities are
exchanged in fixed plan prices for the state and cooperative
trade. These dictated prices play a restricting role on the
cooperative market and prices.
However, it would be misleading to think that the effect of the
law of value is limited only to distribution and to the sphere of
commodity circulation of the main goods for individual
consumption. It has also an effect on socialist production. But
this is not a regulating effect. On this subject Stalin says:
"However, the effect of the law of value is not limited to
the sphere of commodity circulation. It also includes production.
Nevertheless, the law of value has no regulating role in our
socialist production; but it still affects production, and this
should not be ignored in the administration of production. The
goods for consumption which are necessary for meeting the
consumption of labour power in the process of production are
produced and sold in our country as commodities which are subject
to the effect of the law of value. It is at this very point that
the effect of the law of value on production manifests itself. In
this context, in our enterprises, economic accounting and
productivity, cost, prices, etc. have an actual importance. For
this reason, our enterprises cannot and should not ignore the law
of value." (Stalin, Collected Works, Volume 16, p. 296
(Tur))
The consumer goods produced by industry as commodities are
subject to the effect of the law of value. This is because they
are produced for selling, for exchange and for the following two
reasons: Firstly, the replacement of the labour power performed
during the production process is possible through the consumption
of the consumer goods produced. The workers' wages are related to
the sphere of commodity circulation. The goods for consumption
that are in commodity circulation have value and a part of the
value that will be reproduced will meet the wages. Secondly, what
is in the value of the goods for consumption produced is not only
the values of these goods that will meet the wages but also the
raw materials that are produced by the cooperatives as
commodities. (One should also include the wearing-out of the
means of production -which are not commodities- which are used
for production and which transfer some of their value to the
product produced. Just for calculating purposes it is necessary
to use the prices of the means of production, which are expressed
in money, although they do not have a value. This is because the
process of production of goods for consumption is under the
influence of the law of value. Also, all the elements -except one
that comprises the value of the commodities- produced in this
sector have value and this value is expressed with money in the
form of wages or prices.
This also appears as a necessity in the production process of the
means of production. The effect of the law of value on the
production of the means of production realises itself through its
regulating role on the value of the goods for consumption which
are necessary to meet the cost of the labour power in this
sector. The consumption goods that are commodities can only be
bought by the money that is paid as wages, and through the goods
for consumption and the wages the law of value affects the
production of the means of production. From here stems, in terms
of the means of production which do not have value in essence,
the obligation of keeping the monetary account in price form -not
in labour-time, as if they formally have value-, of what is left
over from labour-time account, -this account will be kept in the
second phase of communism as well- under the conditions where
value has not ceased yet. The means of production, which are not
commodities and which do not have value, use the form of value
only for calculating purposes. Otherwise, in the production
process, while one part of the calculating can be done, the main
part cannot be done, and the production as a whole cannot be
calculated, thus planning cannot be done.
When the plan sets the target for production in terms of amount
and value, it will undoubtedly plan the prices as well. In the
socialist economy price is no more than the expression of the
value of the product in money terms which is determined by the
plan. Planning can manage production as a whole, including the
means of production, by setting and planning the prices
individually and with their interrelation. On the condition that
the prices of the means of production are to be used only for
calculation purposes, prices can be determined only through the
values of commodities and on the basis of social production cost
which creates this value.
However, while the effect of the law of value we are talking
about is not the regulator of socialist production, it should not
be supposed that it is the regulator of the setting up of the
plan prices which is a fundamental element of the planning of
socialist production. The law of value is just one of the factors
which have an effect on prices. As has been mentioned before, the
prices which are dictated by taking the law of value and supply
and demand into account, are determined with a certain deviation
from value. The price mechanism is not used for the distribution
of labour through the regulating function of the law of value as
if under market conditions, but with the aim of promoting certain
sectors and enterprises. It is particularly used as a mechanism
for regulating distribution according to the main economic law of
constant development of production based on advanced technology
and for meeting the material and cultural needs of the people.
With this function it is one of the main mechanisms of planning.
Under the conditions of "valuation" of the goods for
consumption and commodity circulation in general, and where it is
inevitable to express these values in prices, the
"prices" of the means of production are just necessary
for calculation purposes and the prices are determined with a
price mechanism which takes into account the effect of the law of
value, but which replaces the extraction of surplus value with
the aim of increasing the production of use value both in
quantity and quality (the aim of meeting the increasing needs of
the people). Obviously this price mechanism differs in essence
and in form from the capitalist price mechanism where the prices
are determined spontaneously and in fluctuations in the market as
an average.
It is obvious that this price mechanism has nothing to do with,
for example, O. Lange's price mechanism which is determined
according to supply and demand (in the market). Nor does it have
anything to do with the market and price mechanism suggested by
Alec Nove. He accepts the monopolist price dictates, which are
widely seen in capitalism as well (monopoly prices, the minimum
price set by the state for agricultural products, fixed prices
for bread, etc.), because of the impossibility of its denial in
socialism. Nor can he refuse the necessity of "price
control" in terms of the main "centralised state
enterprises". Nove argues that " ... the prices of the
great majority of goods and services can be set only during
negotiation (which involve the details, the date of handover,
quality, etc.) between the supplier and the customer." By
saying this he considers free market relations: Despite his
arguments about use value, when considering profitability as a
suitable measure of determining prices, what he has in mind is
capitalism, the market and a corresponding market price
mechanism. This has no connection with the price mechanism we are
talking about.
However, despite their transformation in terms of essence and
form, the prices and price mechanism which are among the bases
and instruments of planning, yet again are the remnants of
capitalism. Just like commodities and commodity circulation which
are transformed in essence and form; just like the law of value
which still plays a certain role despite being restricted.
Communism conflicts with capitalism and develops using a series
of instruments, categories and laws of capitalism which it cannot
abolish immediately but which it puts in its service by
restricting and transforming their essence and forms. It uses the
elements of capitalism in its fight against capitalism. This is
an obligatory necessity for socialist construction and for the
realisation of communism which cannot come to being with its own
particular social and economic bases as if grown up in a green
house.
This is necessary and inevitable. What is important is to
gradually narrow the area for commodities and commodity
circulation; to gradually put an end to value as an obligatory
reference point; to limit the effect of the law of value and to
rescue certain spheres from the influence of value and the law of
value; to get rid of the use of prices and the price mechanism;
and to create, when the conditions are ripe, unpriced products
and unpriced sectors. Commodity, commodity circulation, value and
the influence of the law of value are the categories which are
used and obligatorily endured with the aim of the abolition of
them and by limiting prices.
They are not used willingly and with eagerness. What is necessary
is to be aware that the elements, categories and remnants of
capitalism are being used with the aim of completely abolishing
it, and that at the first opportunity, when the conditions are
ripe, each one of these remnants must be got rid of. The question
"who-whom" will be solved shortly in the context of
property relations; the 1936 Constitution in Russia is a sign
that it had been resolved. However, one cannot assume this
question resolved for good, without putting the final nail in the
coffin of all the elements of capitalism like commodity, value,
price, etc. (in terms of the eradication of the contradiction
between mental and physical labour or between the rulers and the
ruled, etc.), and without burying them in the ground. When these
elements are used wrongly it is possible, up until the final nail
is put in, that they can pave the way to capitalism, even though
in a different form, and that they can create structures in line
with them (new modes of property, new classes and exploitation
relations, etc.). In order to go along the path of the higher
phase of communism what is necessary is to continue the class
struggle with great vigilance, to use these elements as
appropriate, to limit them and not to delay even for an hour
their abolition.
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)