TURKEY

THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT AND THE PROBLEMS OF TRADE UNION STRUGGLE

Our conference in the Dominican Republic has put particular emphasis on the importance of the developments in the working class movement in many countries against the attacks of the bourgeoisie, and has pointed out the particularities of the period we live in. In relation to this, it has put on its agenda the definition of the new conditions and concrete tasks of the work within the working class and of trade union struggle.

In accordance with the developments in national and international conditions significant changes take place in " class and power" relations. These changes inevitably require the renewal of the demands of daily struggle and of alliances. Obviously, each current determines its place in the future of class struggle with its stance. The stance and the path that will be followed in the new period of the struggle constitute the objective basis of the struggle between the revolutionary class line and the reformist and petty bourgeois "left" currents or tendencies. They are outside the working class, and are fed by the repression of the bourgeoisie who are also renewing their forces, alliances and platforms. An example of this is the present situation of fluctuation and the liquidationist tendencies occurred in the International Communist Movement in the 1990s.

During the time passed, the International Communist Movement has become more aware of the platform it represents and taken further steps in fulfilling the responsibilities required. This development has been demonstrated by the debates on its agenda.

I. The changes in class and power relations and the need for a new platform

During the Second World War and its aftermath, the confidence and prestige won by the revolutionary class parties in the eyes of the workers' movement and labouring masses both in the USSR and in developed countries, mainly in Europe, has played a double role.

First, a role which depends on a euphoric tendency and which incites this tendency, and second, a reverse role with the hegemony of modern revisionism, which followed a submissive and collaborationist path in the face of the imperialist offensive. Whilst for genuine communists this confidence and prestige was a factor increasing their responsibilities towards revolution and the cause of socialism, the ringleaders of revisionism that became dominant in the parties used it as a shield which weakened the vigilance of the working class. They did this in a period when the imperialist system intensified its attacks against the threat of socialism, unifying and centralising all their forces and possibilities, when under the pressure of this, the dictatorship of the proletariat in the USSR, having become alienated from the working class, was transformed into a bureaucratic monopolist bourgeois dictatorship, and when the communist parties in developed countries fell to the level of reformist and parliamentarianist " opposition element"of the imperialist bourgeois platform.

As a result of these developments, the working class movement in the most developed countries of the world, following the most advanced historical victories, has entered the longest period of stagnation, retreat and disorganisation which has caused deep destruction in its consciousness and action.

This, in the meantime, amounted to the heaviest blow in terms of the independent political and trade union action of the working class. It also amounted to the longest interruption of international unity in forces and action. This very situation itself has been one of the determining reasons for the ideological destruction that led to deep and long-standing consequences.

The destruction caused by modern revisionism was not limited to the USSR and advanced countries. It also gravely harmed the national liberation movements and anti-imperialist struggles that appeared in many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. These movements were encouraged by the historical successes and victories of socialism and of the proletarian movement. Confidence in socialism and the working class has been weakened in these countries. This development also played an important role in the spread of petty bourgeois currents which based themselves on anti-imperialist tendencies in underdeveloped countries. The Maoist interpretation of the Chinese Revolution and the Castroist interpretation of the Cuban Revolution were the inspiration for an important part of petty bourgeois currents. In the 70s, this was also among the excuses for the distancing of these currents from the proletarian movement and socialism following the very first defeats suffered in various countries, thus playing a role which weakened the influence of the working class within the general popular movement in underdeveloped countries. Despite this, in underdeveloped countries the working class struggle, which had advanced aspects from time to time, constituted an important basis for the development of Marxist-Leninist currents. However, it could not reach the level of being an independent power at international level. This was due both to the hegemony of revisionism which also influenced the workers' movement in these countries and to the lack of support of socialism and the proletariat of advanced countries.

The working class movement, in this way, lagged behind the positions it had gained historically. It was broken away from its revolutionary traditions in terms of ideology and of forms of struggle, organisation and work. It thus entered in the sphere of influence of revisionism and reformism. This development was undergone simultaneously with the process when the majority of a strata that organised as a trade union bureaucracy or, where in power, as state and party bureaucracy, thus becomeing bourgeoisified, then went on to become more powerful and dominant in the movement. This has created non-working class traditions, norms and habits, the extent of which we understand much better today.

II. The characteristics of the period we live in

Just before the collapse of bureaucratic monopolist state capitalism in the Soviet Union, the attack on Iraq which was incited and led by US imperialism exposed the inter-imperialist contradictions. These contradictions came about as a result of the changes in the balance of power in the post-war period. They appeared as having significantly different stances without the imperialist powers having to openly come face to face. The exposure of these differences was in a sense imposed by the US. The collapse of the bureaucratic monopolist capitalist system, which was turned into a " magnificent" ending presented as " the collapse of socialism" with an unprecedented propaganda and demagogic campaign across the world, was followed by a process of rapid disintegration, rivalry and conflict which appeared in the main institutions regulating the relations in the imperialist system.

As appears clearly today, the imperialist countries are going through a process of renewal and repositioning in all regions of the world and all sectors of the economy. This process is accompanied by the intensification of capital at an unprecedented level. The slogans " globalisation" and " liberalisation" , being tools of this fight, have been imposed especially by the US on all underdeveloped and dependent countries. Also, the process of destruction of the basis of their economies has been speeded up. In the main strategic regions, internal conflicts based on national and religious differences have been provoked, and the economic, political and military imposition and extortion have become more apparent and are being implemented without recognising any rules.

On the other side of the coin is the process of open implementation in all countries of the attacks on the historical gains of the working class, mainly the destruction of the " welfare state" and the crippling of trade unions, and the reorganisation of the bourgeois state in accordance with new conditions, in other words the renewal of the main inter-class relations.

Obviously, it is the task and the reason for existence of the Marxist-Leninist parties, which constitute the only current that has the most sound ideological positions in the face of the reactionary wave, to renew and improve the revolutionary collective experience. This experience, which had been buried by revisionism for about 50 years, was created by the history of the working class movement. The Marxist-Leninist parties are the legitimate representatives and defenders of this class and they must enable this experience to become one of the most important bases for the new period of the struggle.

III. The struggle against imperialist hegemony and aggression, and the struggle for revolution and socialism

In the present conditions where there are developments which will lead to the confrontation of the two main classes of modern society, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. This confrontation will inevitably come about -even though in retreats and leaps- in all fronts and in more advanced forms. In these conditions, the bourgeoisie, despite all their advantages in appearance, has entered a process of losing the possibilities provided in the last 50 years of uniting their forces and winning over the intermediate classes. The imperialist bourgeoisie and collaborating ruling classes are bound to enter into savage conflicts and rivalry both as individual countries and as monopolist groups, and to conduct unbridled attacks on the working class and labouring masses and the oppressed peoples. Today, this process is obviously being experienced by each country.

- From the economic aspect, among the attacks are privatisation, sub-contracting, casualisation, quality control, increasing unemployment and redundancies, decrease in real wages, cuts in social rights, attempts to make unions non-functional, etc. All non-monopolistic classes, mainly the productive peasantry, are faced with fierce attacks designed to force them to submit to monopolistic interests, eradicating credits, marketing opportunities and subsidies. Public employees are also faced with cuts in their wages. While especially in the underdeveloped countries which are subject to imperialism's attacks for new plunder and colonisation the working class has continued to develop under conditions of heavy repression and exploitation, more and more people from the peasantry and petty bourgeois strata have joined the army of unemployed. Migration to big towns has increased. New working class regions have emerged, deprived of proper and permanent jobs and income and under the threat of degeneration. As a result of imperialist plunder in many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, social structure itself has been faced with the threat of complete disintegration and destruction.

- From the political aspect, what has become clear in the main advanced capitalist countries is the introduction of reactionary laws, the encouragement and consolidation of fascist parties, the expansion of the authority of the police, the advancement of a common " national" political basis between all bourgeois political parties, and the securing of the political interests of the monopolist bourgeoisie by the state. These attacks are being conducted with different excuses and in different forms but they have the same essence. In backward countries the trend has been the exacerbation of the imperialist slavery chains; and as an element of the provoked internal chaos, of regional conflicts and of inter-imperialist rivalry and conflicts, there has been the sharpening of the contradictions between different cliques of the collaborating ruling classes, the increase of threats and blackmail, an increasing fascist terror as a daily implementation, and the increasing influence of specially trained fascist terror organisations, police chiefs and generals in all the establishments of the state.

- From the military aspect, among the general characteristics of the attacks are the modernisation of the army in the imperialist countries, mainly the US, Germany, France, Britain, Japan and Russia, the training of special military units for the purpose of external interventions, the increasing attempts to create possibilities for military positions and mobilisation in strategically important regions like the Middle East and the Balkans, the imposition of new slavery military agreements on backward countries, the gradual loss of power and influence of international law, the increasing tendency towards using methods like threats, blackmail, tyranny, etc.

All these attacks are carried out with all instruments, mainly TV, accompanied by systematic propaganda and an unbridled campaign. These developments pose a threat to the future not only of the working class but also of humanity as a whole, thus increasing the anxiety of more and more people.

These attacks have come on the agenda as an element of the process the imperialist system has entered in. They are being implemented simultaneously in all countries in this or that way. The main consequence of these attacks is the fact that they inevitably have mobilised their counter forces too.

The struggles that have appeared recently in some typical countries representing some certain categories will enable us to make concrete evaluations and draw concrete conclusions about the particularities characterising the present situation of the working class movement.

A. Advanced capitalist countries

The strikes, demonstrations and general strikes against privatisation and economic and social attacks were followed by solidarity strikes against redundancies. These were initiated in France and spread to the same sectors in Belgium, Spain, Portugal and Slovenia. This was followed by a 100 thousand strong demonstration in Brussels. Following the pressure that forced all trade unions to act together on May Day, the working class has also forced the Juppe government to resign. The political result of this was snap elections that enabled the " left" parties to win a majority, so big it that was surprising even to them. The working class was not satisfied and thus conducted mass demonstrations immediately after the elections, warning the new " left" government. The events of the last few years have demonstrated the determination of the French working class struggling against the attacks of the capitalist bourgeoisie and leaving behind not only trade union centres but also the " left" parties.

In Germany, where the bourgeois influence on the trade union movement through the social democrats has been the greatest, the working class followed the path of their French class brothers, forcing also the DGB leadership to struggle against the savings package imposing cuts in social rights and public spending. Since the beginning of 1997, tens of thousands of workers in sectors like construction, mining and metallurgy have been organising demonstrations against redundancies, sometimes of a constant character, and even risking confrontations with police. In some certain sectors, what has become apparent is the tendency towards struggle, dragging the union centres behind or insisting on their demands despite the obstacles of the unions.

In the USA where the trade union movement is repressed through the most crude methods, the tens of thousands of strong sectoral strikes especially of the automotive industry against redundancies is a clear indication of the tendency of the working class towards struggle against capitalist attacks in a more determined way.

What these developments, which are taking place also in the Western European countries such as Italy, Spain, Greece, Switzerland, demonstrate is this:

Firstly, with their attacks on the working class the bourgeoisie is undermining the labour aristocracy and trade union bureaucracy which constitute their basis within the working class, and inevitably making it easier for the workers to orientate towards more advanced struggles.

Secondly, in the course of the struggle and to the extent of the expansion and advancement of the demands and forms of struggle, the working class is rapidly freeing itself of the sphere of influence of revisionism and reformism and recalling more and more their own historical collective experience. What this means is that the renewal in the trade union movement has become interlinked with the tendency towards socialism and this, in the daily practical struggle of the working class, has played a role facilitating the rapid dispersal of illusion and confusion. (This illusion and confusion was created through the theories which modern revisionism has been trying to spread for more than 40 years, and which aim to eternalise the hegemony of the bourgeoisie, suggesting that the working class has lost their historical role and that social progress can be fulfilled without the dictatorship of the proletariat).

B. Former Soviet Union and other "socialist" countries of Eastern Bloc

The Russian working class is carrying traces of the destruction caused by the modern revisionist treachery, as much as the experience of the socialist revolution and socialist construction. With their hundreds of thousands of strong demonstrations and the biggest general strike of recent times with the attendance of 20 million workers, they have given the first serious sign of the fact that they will orientate towards more advanced struggles. This also means an important blow to the illusion and confusion caused by revisionism and a concrete indication of the importance of the trade union movement in this old country of socialism at international level.

Also, the armed rebellion of the Albanian people and the general strike and demonstrations in Bulgaria and Poland targeting their governments have typical characteristics in terms of the rapid direction towards political targets, of actions that came out with daily immediate demands.

In these countries, the revisionist parties and cliques, which have lost the political power, are today trying to reposition themselves within the working class and trade union movement as an " opposition" . There is no doubt that they constitute the most serious obstacle at present for the advance of the struggle.

C. Underdeveloped countries

The workers' movement in countries like South Korea, Turkey and Ecuador, where the working class experience of struggle is relatively weaker, have followed a trend encouraging other labouring classes. They have sometimes dragged the union bureaucracy behind them and the orientation towards independent action at sectoral levels and local platforms has become more evident. The disintegration in the trade union bureaucracy that has turned into a collapse has put on the agenda the reorganisation of the existing trade union movement. Also, tens of thousands of workers in small and especially medium size workplaces have turned towards struggle with the aim of trade union organisation. In countries such as Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria, despite all sorts of reactionary attacks, trade union movement has developed its characteristic of being the most important dynamic of the struggle. Alongside the developments of the proletarian movement and the dynamism in underdeveloped countries, the advancing struggle of the peasantry and of other labouring classes, sometimes taking the form of rebellion, in countries like Mexico, Brazil and India, demonstrate that they have the character of expanding unprecedentedly the international basis of the proletarian and labouring peoples' movement, and of consolidating the working class content of the struggle against imperialism.

These developments demonstrate the fact that against the attacks of the imperialist bourgeoisie that affect all countries and regions of the world and that appear as an open plunder and destruction for an unbridled exploitation and an unlimited hegemony, the working classes have taken their first serious steps towards a struggle that will inevitably orientate towards revolution and socialism. This still holds true despite the fact that the working class have not yet got free of their reins and overcome their fundamental weaknesses, especially in terms of consciousness and organisation. Overcoming these weaknesses is the fundamental task and the reason for existence of the revolutionary class parties. The first consequence of this is the disintegration of trade union bureaucracy which has been the base for the bourgeoisie and the ruling classes for over 40 years. Secondly, trade unions have regained their great importance in the eyes of the masses as centres of organisation, resistance and struggle.

IV. The approaches to and prejudices against trade union movement that should be overcome

When the workers' movement took steps towards serious struggles in the main advanced countries, it destroyed many prejudices against the trade union movement that occurred in different forms and with different reasons in various countries.

Firstly, ideas that the reactionary and revisionist unions strengthened by the bourgeoisie can neither be destroyed nor seized have been left today behind the development of the movement. The union bureaucracy, the material bases of which have been shaken, is faced with two alternatives: either to be in favour of the attacks or to join the struggle from the front and give way to it. This is proved by examples from various countries.

Secondly, the workers who joined the struggle in spite of union leadership have made invalid the ideas that advanced struggles cannot be organised through the existing unions. They did this by creating organisations that guarantee their demands and the leadership of their actions based on these demands. Among the practical examples of this are the pressure of the " action committees" in France, the " union platforms" in Turkey and the " workers' representatives" in Germany. The open attack which was put on the agenda through the CGT and which was designed to destroy the functions of unions as the basic organisations of the working class was made invalid by the clear stance of the French working class.

Thirdly, petty bourgeois sectarian understandings have been condemned by the practical movement itself. Those who have these kinds of understandings have weakened their ties with the masses of workers -who constitute an important potential in the grassroots of reactionary unions- and with their daily struggle; and they were gradually overcome by hopelessness. Today, there are many examples demonstrating the fact that the stance serving the progress and consolidation of the daily struggle of the working class receives the support of broad sections. The determining factor for the struggling working class masses is sincerity in joining the daily struggle and the practical position taken. Revisionist understandings like "first consciousness and organisation, then comes struggle" , and petty bourgeois understandings leaving political struggle to the vanguard and economic struggle to the unions, have already failed completely in the face of the present developments.

Revolutionary parties of the proletariat must get rid of the habits and norms created in a certain period in the past. They are faced with the task of developing a perspective which will take into account the prospects of the movement, its broadening basis and the needs and responsibilities created by this fact. They must also rapidly renew their work and activities.

Marxist-Leninist theory and a programme led by this theory are the precondition of being a revolutionary class party. However, especially in the present conditions of the struggle these are certainly not enough for the parties that must be at the centre of the movement. Today, Marxist-Leninist parties are also faced with a test in terms of their daily struggle line and their tactics which should advance the struggle and meet its ever-widening requirements. This is also an indication of loyalty to theoretical principles and the aims of the programme. For this reason:

a- Independently of the correctness of what has been said, a leadership and form of activity, which is conditioned by a certain period and limited to the circles of supporters, cannot lead the movement. This is because the Marxist-Leninist parties are not the parties of a certain section of the proletariat, but of the working class as a whole. In the present conditions when more and more people are joining the struggle, the working class parties must put the centre of their activities the actions of millions and the requirements and responsibilities of these actions. In other words, the essence of our activities must serve not only our supporters but also to convince the masses with their own experience and to the development of their struggle.

b- In the same way as in all the fields of party activities, in trade union struggle the leadership of the movement in such periods cannot be left only to the responsibility of the concerned party members and supporters. The most talented party cadres must shoulder the responsibility of reorganising and improving trade union struggle in the most important places in a way that would secure the fulfilment of union policies and tactics.

The struggle in the field of trade unions must be linked to the aim of a renewal which takes into consideration the forms and development processes that are special to the conditions of each country.

c- Today, the revolutionary class parties have to be not only organisations that take politics and activity to the working class but also be parties that work for the organisation of the struggling sections of the working class as a party, for their political development, and for them to take the leadership of the practical movement in their own hands. This is the practical meaning of organising within and in the forefront of the movement. Only by fulfilling this can we overcome the destruction caused by a certain period and have the possibility of refreshing the confidence of the working class in Marxism-Leninism and socialism. The present developments are also ripening the conditions to achieve this.

The essence of the tactics of Marxist-Leninist parties can be defined as, in general terms, to accumulate force and to get prepared for more advanced struggles. Reolutionary class parties can win new and more advanced positions in the struggle only when they rapidly fulfil the content of practical work and the organisational transformation corresponding to this work in a way that would meet the requirements of the new period.

V. The question regarding the demands of daily struggle

The fact that the attacks of the bourgeoisie have a general character have caused the struggle to appear with similar demands, even though in different forms and at different times from one country to another. Especially in Europe, the fact that these attacks are conducted through common decision making mechanisms like the EU has strengthened the basis of the struggle in the continent, at least by creating the possibility of influencing one another.

Among the demands that have been the subject of daily struggle in the main advanced countries in the last few years are:
- Demands against privatisation, redundancies and the threat of unemployment
- Demands against the cuts in wages, savings measures and restriction of social rights
- Demands against the attacks on the right to social insurance
- Demands against the attacks on working-days and holidays
- Finally, demands against the attacks to make the unions completely non-functional in the name of subcontracting, casualisation, quality control , wage increases in line with the rate of inflation , etc. These attacks have been conducted in order to block the struggle, to divide the forces of the working class and to incite competition and conflict among the workers. Despite the fact that these attacks have not yet been repulsed, daily struggles, especially in Europe, have slowed down the bourgeoisie. On the other side, the successes of the ruling classes will not be able to calm down the struggle. These attacks can only lead to the broadening of the basis of the struggle with new demands.

When the general class character of these attacks are taken into account, the fact that the struggle has gained a political character that has rapidly become confrontational with the ruling classes and bourgeois governments -even though it appears alongside economic or partially political demands- gives greater responsibilities to revolutionary working class parties. This is because the formulation of political demands and their unification with other demands of daily struggle are of particular importance within the activities of revolutionary working class parties.

One of the most significant characteristics of trade union bureaucracy which is alienated from the working class is the fact that it calms down the demands of the working class and keeps them at the most backward level, and imposes its formulation of daily demands and forms of struggle upon the working class. A typical example of this is the slogan " unity for jobs" of the DGB that was put forward against redundancies and destruction of workplaces. This slogan does not clarify " against whom and with whom" this unity will be. It is transformed into an instrument for calming down and putting off with trumped up excuses, exploiting the demands of the working class. Revolutionary working class parties, on the other hand, treat the demands and slogans of daily struggle as one of the most important conditions for uniting the broadest sections of the working class and strengthening their struggle.
In terms of this;

- In advanced countries the demands of struggle against reactionary laws designed to restrict the already gained democratic rights and freedoms, demands against the intensification of oppression, exploitation, threat and blackmail conducted against underdeveloped countries as a result of the inter-imperialist rivalry, demands against the encouragement of fascist currents and the provocation of xenophobia and nationalist prejudices have become particularly important.

-In underdeveloped countries, the conditions of dictatorship and the fact that the attacks are being imposed by imperialism and the collaborationist ruling classes make it necessary to tie the demands of daily struggle to anti-imperialist and democratic demands and to the demands against fascist terror and dictatorship.

It is obvious that both the handling of these demands and their formulation, and the improvement of the struggles that come out of these demands have to be some of the fundamental points of the struggle between revolutionary working class parties and the bourgeois reformist and revisionist currents who are trying to reposition themselves within the working class.

VI. The question of forms of organisation

One of the most significant destructive factors of bourgeois revisionist trade union bureaucracy for over 40 years has been the bureaucratic and imposing line that is pursued in the forms of organisation and struggle. This line which is restricted to bourgeois parliamentarism leads to the destruction of the tradition of organisation and struggle and to lack of confidence.

Firstly, trade union democracy -pompous in form but without content- has been transformed into an instrument for the enforcement of trade union bureaucracy.
Secondly, initiative in the factories and workplaces, which are the " source of life" of the organisation and struggle skill of the working class, has been blunted. The line that has been followed is designed to make the administrative organs of the unions, especially their centres, " citadels that cannot be destroyed" . These organs and centres have enormous revenues and a social position that has special acceptance in the bourgeois state mechanisms.

Thirdly, what has become dominant in terms of the forms of struggle is a line which serves the oppression of the working class, being an element of parliamentarian jostling for position and election campaigns with pompous parades (formal demonstrations) without content that are planned according to anniversaries and calendar, and where the shows of the union bureaucracy are staged.

The struggles of the last few years have cracked the " citadels" of union bureaucracy and enabled the working class to orientate rapidly towards their own historical collective experience and towards the tradition of revolutionary struggle which is a product of this experience. Thus, it is among our most important tasks to develop the forms of organisation and struggle such as street demonstrations, strikes and general strikes which come out of this tradition, and which get their legitimacy and power from factories and workplaces.

The essence of the tactic of revolutionary class parties in these terms lies in developing union organisation, trade union democracy and the line of struggle in the factories and workplaces, in developing active participation in the daily life and struggle of the working class, and developing their initiative, their skills, self-confidence and courage. The revolutionary tradition of the working class movement teaches us that the factories and workplaces should become " citadels" . In the meantime, daily agitation within the broadest sections of the working class is of great importance in such periods. This orientation only can strengthen the prospects of representing and developing a certain trade union stance, even through our existing positions in trade union movement, and of winning new positions. This is the basic condition for uniting with the fresh forces of the working class and for renewing and consolidating our organisational bases.

VII. The question of alliances and administration

The question of alliances and administration has been one of the topics that was made confused in the past, and still is one of the key problems of the trade union movement. Existing developments give us concrete data and examples with which we can concretise our tactics.

Firstly, under the present conditions we can summarise the essence of our tactic-alliance policy in trade union struggle as making alliances according to each concrete situation on the basis of a certain platform. This platform should secure and encourage the development trend of the working class, contribute to taking more advanced steps, and serve the unity of the broadest sections of the working class. If we bear in mind the example of France where the advanced sections of the working class have lost confidence not only in trade union bureaucracy but also in so-called " left" political parties, it becomes clear that winning over the working class trust through our stance in the struggle is now more important than ever.

Secondly, despite its different characteristics in each country, and no matter which current or party it is part of, trade union bureaucracy is undergoing a deepening division, and its bases are shaking and even collapsing. What has to be one of the basic aspects of our policy of alliances is to make alliances deepening these divisions and unifying the working class on a more advanced line, and to make ineffective the manoeuvres between trade union cliques which try to renew their platforms by using the opportunities created by the existing situation.

Thirdly, what is going to determine the basis of the alliances with the " left" groups and currents will obviously not be our ideological-theoretical evaluations about them or what they claim to be, but concrete struggle platforms that meet the requirements and interests of the practical movement, and their roles in practical struggle and their positions in each concrete situation.

The revolutionary tradition of the working class is plain and concrete about the union administrations that have been " seized" by the union bureaucracy. The main criterion is the stance in the struggle and the ability to sincerely represent the interests, initiative and experience of the working class. For the revolutionary working class parties the fundamental question is not " the seizure of trade union administrations" but " to deserve" getting elected as a result of their stance in the struggle and of the line they represent. What is also fundamental is to participate in the formation of union administrations in order to unite with the advanced sections of the working class and to become prepared for more advanced struggles. In other words, the question is not the imposition of the administration on the working class but, on the contrary, to deserve the trust of the working class.

VIII. The question of international unity of the trade union movement which is dragged into national boundaries

The undermining of the international unity of the working class and burying it has been one of the factors that has led to the limitation of the trade union movement to national boundaries in every country, to the weakening of revolutionary working class consciousness and of their self-confidence, and to the degeneration of moral values.
The period that the imperialist system entered into a few years ago, the general character of the attacks conducted as a result of this period, and the similarity of the conditions and demands, have sparked struggles in many countries, already repulsing many illusions and confusions, encouraging each other in all countries, refreshing the consciousness of being an international class, and strengthening the conditions for international solidarity. Concrete examples of solidarity have been seen especially in Europe as a continent.

Obviously, due both to its bases in each individual country and the level of international consciousness, organisation and struggle, the working class movement, despite all positive developments, has not reached a stage that would rapidly enable unity on a trade union level.

Under the present conditions, among the main tasks of the day are the renewal of the trade union movement in the struggle against the bourgeoisie and the ruling classes, especially in the advanced countries, and the development and consolidation of the consciousness in every country of belonging to an international class.
Secondly, what has also become important in recent times is the undermining of the efforts of the social democrat, " socialist" , trotskyist and old revisionist currents to take to their own side the advanced sections of the working class in the face of the developments in the proletarian movement, through so-called international platforms. The Marxist-Leninist parties have to defend their positions wherever appropriate and required, and conduct a systematic fight against these non-working class currents in the international initiatives where advanced workers are taking part in this or that way.

Thirdly, among the most important tasks is to intensify and renew our forces and energy to develop and practise daily tactics and policies which would take into consideration the general characteristics of the developments at international level, which would help the reorganisation of the trade union movement, and which would meet the requirements of particular conditions in our individual countries, linked to a set concrete tactical line.

To conclude, the fundamental condition for the international unity of the trade union movement is to win positions and successes in the trade union activities of the working class against the bourgeoisie and the ruling classes in our respective countries. Today, the prospect of achieving this is greater than ever.

The main aim of the ideological struggle and of consciousness-raising activities within the trade union movement is this: To master the collective experience and consciousness of working class history, which is being undermined and distorted through illusions and confusions (these illusions and confusions have already been repulsed to a certain extent by the developments in the struggle), to enable it to direct the movement, to hasten the orientation towards Marxism-Leninism and socialism, and to help it by raising the consciousness of its present actions.

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)