Madrid,
20-22 June 1997
On 20, 21 and 22 June in Madrid, the Third International Meeting of Trade Unionists took place. These meetings which started in 1995 in Frankfurt, Germany, aim to open up the real possibility of an exchange of analysis, information and experiences between trade unionists all over the world who are struggling for the deepening and development of class based trade unionism.
That is why these experiences coming from within the heart of the trade union movement, from the unrest of organised workers acquire an enormous importance. At the level of capital we cannot give answers on the basis of isolation and lack of connection. On the contrary, it is necessary to extend and co-ordinate the experience taken from the struggle of workers at the international level.
This is what the third Meeting concerned itself with, and it included in its participants trade unionists from France, Turkey, Germany, Ecuador, Belgium and Spain. We must particularly mention the participation of the general secretary of the Transport Workers Federation of the union TUMTIS (Turkey, Sabri Topcu), of the Ecuadorian comrades from the Electrical Federation of the UGTE, and of the trade union leader and deputy to the Ecuadorian Congress, Ernesto Estupiņan. Alongside these there were affiliates and members of following unions: CC.OO (Spain), CGT (France), DGB (Germany), etc.
Through the intervention of Angeles Maestro, deputy to the Congress for Left Unity, the opening of the meeting was undertaken by comrade Valentin Ruiz, General Secretary of the CC.OO of post office workers of Madrid, in the name of the organising commission of the third Meeting.
From this point there began an intense debate in the form of three commissions which dealt with, respectively: the Maastricht Treaty and its consequences (in particular the privatisation of the public sector and the destruction of social gains), the labour market (delocalisation, segmentation and fragmentation of the labour market and the results of these), and class based trade unionism.
They followed a full and open debate among those present on the situation of each country with respect to the themes proposed for discussion and the role of class conscious trade unionists. However, more than this the third Meeting served to enable its participants to get to know each other, to exchange points of view on the trade union struggle, and to establish ties which would enable them to overcome the separation imposed by frontiers on a struggle which is basically the same everywhere.
The conclusions here are a very brief summary of a fruitful debate which, in spite of the limitations of time and language, dealt with very varied themes and allowed the participants to take the measure of the present moment of the struggle in each country, the reality of the work of the class and our immediate perspectives.
Without doubt, the unequal level of political, economic and social development, the specifics in the forms of the exploitation by capital, indicate national differences in the work of trade unionists in each country. But above this as was brought out again in the third meeting, we as workers have the same enemy: Capital, against which our struggle is directed, and we have the same interests which cross national borders.
In the workshops there was discussion about how the massive wave of strikes, in places as far apart as France, South Korea and Latin America, show a revival of class based trade unionism, confronting capital, which must be generalised. There was also discussion about the forms of labour, the points of unity between the demands of workers of different countries, the role to be played by meetings, etc. The slogan approved in the second meeting in Paris in 1996 "All together against capital" and which in this third meeting it was agreed to generalised from, sums up also the spirit of these three days of intense debate: The comradeship and brotherhood among workers, the determination to unite voluntarily in defence of a class and political orientation toward the trade union struggle. From this every effort was made to debate jointly on our common problems, to seek points of agreement, to inform others and to learn about the work going on, to overcome in conclusion our differences in order to advance together. And it is in this sense that in a special manner the third meeting has been a success.
It has also taken another step forward on the road started in Frankfurt which will continue next year with the fourth International Meeting of Trade Unionists which our comrades have agreed to organise in France. Thus guaranteed continuity many participants have already begun to prepare their participation, with even more energy, for the conference of next year.
At the end of the meeting our voices were united in singing the hymn of struggle of the workers. To hear the International, sung in different tongues was a final symbol of our joint determination.
Participants from Spain, France, Germany and Turkey. Professional sectors represented were: Trade, health, public administration, teaching, building work, hotel work, and metallurgy (of cars, of copper, of machines and of cables).
Discussion began with the general presentation, and the situation of the labour market in every country was set out for debate. It was agreed that there exist great similarities, even though with various levels of development, in various defined processes:
- A significant increase in
unemployment,
- A gradual casualisation of labour: Increased flexibility of the labour market,
and use of temporary contracts...
- An increase in the pressure on the workers, making them more ready to accept a
worsening of their conditions of work because of the necessity of obtaining
employment.
- On the other hand, continuing increase in the profits of companies.
- The alliance of the bosses with governments of whatever complexion and the
support of trade union leaderships for this alliance (the signing in Spain of
the recent Labour Reform).
- Workers are paying cost of the consequences of the Maastricht Treaty. In every
country a struggle is beginning against these consequences.
Against casualisation it is necessary to develop solidarity among workers (whether permanent or casual).
Equal pay for equal work: For the same work the same rights. An example was given of the subcontractors whose conditions of work are worse; the special situation of women workers who suffer to a greater degree the problems of part-time work... We think that the improvement of the conditions of labour does not generate unemployment but rather the opposite. It is necessary for us to find working class demands which unify the interests of the class and allow it to struggle against the artificial divisions created by capital.
Against flexibility of the labour market and of working time.
For reduction in the hours of work without loss of wages and without a speeding up of production.
We demand job creation to overcome unemployment and casual labour. This implies:
- Rejection of overtime
- Lowering of the pensionable age
- Guaranteeing work for the young at the end of their education
- Security of employment
- Rejection of piece-work (wages related to production).
Against delocalisation of production . We think this generates chauvinism, nationalism and racism. It is part of the capitalist strategy of developing competition among workers. It is not only an economic problem (the search for new markets and for the cheapest labour...). It is also political problem which the system uses in order to divide the workers and to disorganise their struggle. We must develop class solidarity among different groups of workers.
As a comrade in the workshop pointed out: "The working class must organise itself on a world scale as does the capitalist class". We may sum this up in the slogan "All together against capital".
In this workshop an analysis was made of the means of application and the consequences of the policies imposed by the Maastricht Treaty.
It is clear that this policy is unfolding essentially in the same way independently of country or government, whether they be conservative or social democratic. There has been no variation in the application of these policies through the changes of government which have occurred in Spain, England, or more recently in France. That is because it is a part of the change of tactics of capitalism, which shows itself in a resurgence of neoliberalism, whose sole objective is the increase of private profit at the cost of the rights of workers.
We have seen that there does not exist everywhere a clear understanding or mobilisation against Maastricht, however there has been a development of the struggles of workers against the consequences of its application.
There are important advances in the movement shown in different manifestations: Advances in the capacity for initiative of the mass movement, an aim towards unity among all the victims of this process, a search for new forms of struggle and the radicalisation of some of these (the occupation of businesses, the kidnapping of bosses...); some of these struggles have pushed the trade union leaders to the margins or to direct confrontation with the workers; in France and Germany in particular the social movement has gained autonomy in the definition of its aims and in the direction of the struggle.
It is clear that the official unions support the Maastricht Treaty. in Spain the trade union leadership are signing social pacts against the workers; because of this the struggle inside the CC.OO is sharpening.
In the Second International Meeting of Trade Unionists in Argenteui, France, we analysed our work and we adopted the slogan "All together against capital". This slogan has proved itself to be right and has been used in important international mobilisations, as in Lyon, Brussels, and in demonstrations in every country. The analysis we have undertaken has enabled us to see its positive results to understand concrete experiences and the difficulties we have met with.
Exchanges have been made between factories belonging to the same company (Wolkswagen in Germany, Belgium and Turkey, or in the making of cables in Stuttgart and France) which has allowed us to put an end to attempts at division and blackmail between workers of different countries.
The sending of messages to the struggle, as for example to the health workers in France, demonstrated solidarity and contributed to the debate and to the raising of the consciousness of the workers in struggle.
Participation in the international meetings of Trade Unionists has allowed us to develop in our daily work, our international awareness, thanks to the making of concrete international contacts. It is necessary to allow the widest possible participation of trade unionists in the messages of support sent through the movement.
The mobilisations in this year have raised the level of consciousness and have improved the position of trade unionists within the trade union movement and among the masses.
Recognising our experiences and analysing the needs arising from them, we propose the following points:
1. To continue the development of
solidarity with concrete struggles
2. To spread across different branches of each sector, the experiences of
struggle in every country
3. To develop more fully and in a permanent form the contacts made between trade
unionist in every country
4. To take efficient measures to organise the wide-spread understanding of the
various struggles and experiences at the international level
5. To reaffirm our solidarity with the struggle of the Liverpool dockers, by
means of messages, financial support and helping them to meet workers of other
countries.
There are differences in the objective situation in the various countries and in the level of development and co-ordination of the various manifestations of class based trade unionism. But above all this there shows itself a common desire to develop class struggle and a common will to build international solidarity.
- What is necessary is the renewal of trade unionism among the workers and the importance, in this sense of work for the unity of the class inside the unions which organise the mass of workers.
On the other hand, the mobilisations of November-December 1995 in France show evidence of the increase in autonomy of the working class, which tells us that the workers movement is wider than the trade union movement.
- In the particular case of Spain the
battle developing inside the CC.OO has thrown into relief the relationship
between the struggle for the development of alternative class unions and the
political struggle on the left.
- It is necessary to increase the effort to develop trade unionism if it is
possible on the international level.
- There is also posed the necessity of perfecting the means of methods of
information and exchange of experiences, aimed at co-ordinating our common work.
- It was agreed to make an effort to generalise the slogan "All together
against capital" because this sums up the united political and class
character of our struggle.
- The publication was proposed of a document summing up the discussion in the
workshop and the situation in each country, as briefly as possible.
- Finally, it was agreed that in the workshop there had been very wide exchange
of opinions among rank and file trade unionists, cadres and trade union leaders,
and that this has contributed to facilitate getting to know each other and open
discussion.
This discussion on a democratic basis and on an equal footing among comrades with different trade union responsibilities, is a special characteristic of class based trade unionists which enriches our meetings.
Texts taken from Octubre, organ of
the October Communist Organisation of Spain, No:37, July 1997.