The
ideological struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat and between
revolution and counterrevolution has always culminated in the highest political
organisation of the working class, that is, the communist party.
The establishment of a communist party, organisationally, ideologically,
politically, and even the development of its armed organisation as a result of
fascist-militarist and political oppression, is a multi faceted process.
Imperialism
and the forces of reaction utilise all their capacity to prohibit the
establishment and development of a Marxist-Leninist party which is the leading
factor of revolutionary popular struggle. Through external ideological attacks,
individualism, sectarianism, and most importantly petit bourgeois methods, they
promote the destruction of unity, the continuation of factions and, most of the
time, the jeopardisation of the revolutionary features in the ranks.
From
the murder of communist cadres and anticommunist propaganda to the
organisations in progressive and democratic guises, all kinds of ideological and
political methods are being used by the bourgeoisie. Assertions like "the
period of parties has ended" and "the epoch of social movements has
arisen" are being put forward in order to prove that close links between
the party and the mass organisations cannot be established. However, it is with
the existence of a party that common revolutionary political aims can be
possible. It is only with the work and organisation of this party among the
masses, and with an original ideology, that is Marxism-Leninism, that the
struggle for reforms and partial demands can be tied to revolutionary political
goals.
As
stated in the "Programmatic Theses" of the Communist Party of Chile,
which is aware of the fact that the role of the communist ideology of the party,
and of the subjective factor is irreplaceable, "the objective conditions
(social and national exploitation and oppression) create the grounds for a
revolutionary change. Thus, they are the messengers of revolutionary change and
are constantly present. What is most important is to improve the subjective
factors that come to the present with the accumulation of the past."
Subjective
factors always carry first degree importance since all the victories or defeats
of the previous struggles have been determined by them. The weakness of these
factors cannot be attributed to the non-existence or weakness of the objective
factors. The weakness of these factors do not represent any false predictions in
history nor an insufficiency in the revolutionary traditions of our people.
In the
period of the republic, a revolutionary alternative such as overthrowing
bourgeois power in the face of imperialism and the construction of socialism
could not be brought forward in the real sense. The aim was to change the system
and even to use it in the interest of the people by "gradually seizing
capitalist power" which is tied to imperialism and by "improving
democracy". The leaders of the people did not have the perspective of
seizing power and accomplishing social revolution. The parliamentarian path and
the "peaceful transition" methods adopted by the People's Unity
constitute a good example of how bitterly the people of Chile and the workers'
movement paid the bill for this. The ruling classes were unable to tolerate the
existence of bourgeois democracy which allowed the masses to organise
anti-fascist resistance up until the 11th of September. This was despite the
fact that in that period, the aim was not social and national liberation nor a
socialist and democratic popular revolution.
The
subjective factor consists of political leadership based on the workers' and
popular struggle and on their ideas. The collapse of the ex-USSR and the
Eastern Bloc does not represent a defeat of socialism or communism. On the
contrary, our theses suggesting that this collapse took place as a result of
distancing from these ideas and betraying them, has been proved once again.
Following
the collapse of the ex-USSR and the Eastern Bloc, international reactionary
forces and social democracy launched an attack against the communist party and
its class nature, that is, its organic reflection. However, these parties were
bureaucratic, liberal and revisionist. Khrushchev paved the way for this process
when he announced at the 20th Congress of the CPSU that the Party was not that
of the "working class" but of the "people as a whole". All
the other congresses held after the 22nd Congress, and led by Brejnev and
Gorbachev, were aimed at changing the characteristics of the party and helped
the counterrevolution to become victorious.
If
we take the well known Soviet experience as an example we can see that the
history of the Bolshevik Party is full of experience in regard to the
ideological, political and organisational struggle between the proletariat and
the bourgeoisie. It is only in Lenin's and Stalin's time, in the years of new
power that a struggle was conducted against the bourgeois restoration and
against opportunist Trotskyst, Bukharinist, nationalist and other bureaucratic,
antisocialist elements who had the support of the defeated classes and
imperialism.
In
the ranks of the proletariat and within the people, there are still errors in
regard to the struggle to seize power and to establish a new socialist society,
while imperialism and internal reactionary forces are conducting the fight
against the communist party with the clear political aim of destroying it. An
ideological struggle in regard to the existence and role of the party is the
characteristic of the present period, and this requires a class-based approach.
In
this period, we must pursue a policy of defending the communist party. Its
Marxist-Leninist ideology and class nature must be kept alive. Any neglect of
strengthening the party as the vanguard of the working class and the leading
force of the revolution would constitute a significant barrier to the people
becoming victorious.
Against
the anti-party attempts of the bourgeoisie, what must be brought forward is the
understanding of a proletarian party whose aim is the political interests of the
working class and the people.
Today,
it is time to raise the party higher. The party is the organiser of the
revolutionary struggle of the masses. This is because the consolidation of the
party will be the guarantee for the conscious and organised struggle of the
working class and the people.
The struggle for the party will continue up until class
struggles and social struggles end. We communists may be faced with temporary
defeats as well as victories, while leading the working class and the people.
However, under any circumstances, the party, in terms of perspective, is an
unalienable reality for both social revolution and a victorious socialism.
Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action)
Santiago, August 1995