The United States, after the Second World War, became the most powerful
power in the world. The great development of its economy went hand in hand with
the extension of the tentacles of the large U.S. monopolies to all ends of the
earth and with the development of its military power.
After the Second World War the Soviet Union emerged on the international stage as a great power. After the subversion of socialism by the opportunists and revisionists the USSR became an imperialist country.
For several decades the world was marked by the contention and
collaboration between the two superpowers, the USA and the USSR.
This situation lasted until the collapse of "real socialism,"
the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the USSR.
Despite the capitalist and imperialist character of the USSR, it appeared
to many workers and peoples as "a great socialist country," as a
"rear base of the revolution," therefore its fall, which took place at
the climax of the anti-communist offensive, contributed significantly to the ebb
in the revolutionary struggle; it was claimed by the imperialists and
reactionaries to be the defeat of socialism and the revolution, the downfall of
communism. In reality, what collapsed at end of the 80s of the last century was
the revisionist world, social-imperialism.
A new international situation existed:
The single world market was reconstituted, which had been broken by the
October Revolution and the colossal achievements of socialism; capitalism
extended to all countries, finance capital in its parasitic and speculative
forms became the axis of economic life in the world arena, and the United States
was confirmed as the most powerful economic, political and military power. This
situation led many bourgeois and opportunist theoreticians to speak of a
unipolar world, in which U.S. imperialism was the absolute, invincible and
omnipotent master. Socialism had been defeated forever; the end of the history
and the extinction of ideologies had arrived. The leaders of U.S. imperialism
proclaimed the birth of a "new world order" in which peace, social and
economic harmony would reign, where wars would be eliminated.
At the same time the Scientific-Technical Revolution took place, which
meant an extraordinary development of the productive forces, mainly in the
fields of robotics, computers, communications and genetic engineering which
allow a huge concentration and accumulation of capital on the part of the large
monopolies and the imperialist countries.
What we have described above is, in simple terms, globalization.
In reality, there is a new situation: capitalism has spread all over the
earth, it is globalized and with this, the capitalist chains of exploitation and
oppression have increased the dependence of hundreds of countries.
But this is not a new phase in the development of society, of humanity,
nor even of a new phase of capitalism. It is a new expression of imperialism. It
has not changed its nature; it has only reached new heights.
In reality the world without wars that they promised us does not exist at
all; the harmonic development of countries and nations is a fiction. Certainly
the United States continues to be the most powerful imperialist power, but other
large imperialist powers are arising and claiming "a new place under the
sun," the European Union, Germany, Japan, Russia and China. They accept the
U.S. power, they ally with it, but they also compete for spheres of influence,
geopolitical spaces, markets and natural resources; the armament industry is in
full development and the preparations for a new generalized imperialist war are
in motion. The logic of things shows clearly that the economic and military
superiority of the U.S. is not indefinite.
The imperialist system is affected by a great general crisis. The
recession and unemployment are the clearest expressions of that situation. It is
a situation marked by the general crisis, by a cyclic crisis that is developing
step by step and by territorial spaces of a regional character, but which
affects the whole system and falls mainly on the dependent countries and the
shoulders of the workers.
On September 11, the world could see how the economic, political and
military symbols of the U.S. were destroyed by a terrorist attack. This event
showed the vulnerability of the chief world power, but it also fed the war
hysteria, gave support to the Bush administration and catapulted the chieftain
of the terrorist hordes which, armed to the teeth, have begun a new imperialist
war, first against Afghanistan and which they are threatening to extend to other
countries.
This is the capitalist world. It is an old and sick world, a society in
decay. To paraphrase Lenin we can say: "imperialism is a colossus with feet
of clay," powerful but vulnerable, which can be defeated.
The
gravediggers of the world of capital
The capitalist imperialist system is built on the exploitation and
domination of thousands of millions of workers of all countries. The huge
capital accumulated by the monopolies is produced by the workers; they, despite
the great development of science and technology, are the creators of the
economy, they are the key to the creation of wealth, they are irreplaceable in
the production process. Capitalism cannot exist without the exploitation of the
workers.
The history of the 20th century has shown, that the working class is the
class that has the ideological, political and organizational capacity to defeat
capitalism and to build an alternative, a society of the workers, socialism.
Life has made clear that the bourgeoisie in establishing its power and building
capitalism did it on the basis of wage slavery, but at the same time it created
its own gravediggers.
The great victories of the workers and peoples could not be consolidated.
The new world, socialism, made great strides and extraordinary achievements in
the social, economic, cultural and national order, but it was defeated.
This is neither the time nor place to explain the reasons and conditions
for that collapse. We emphatically state now, as at other opportunities, that
this defeat is temporary. Life has shown the qualities of the workers, the
revolutionaries and the communists and also their difficulties and limits. But
in no way have the facts annulled the utopia of a new world and the brave role
played by the proletarians; on the contrary they have shown that they made
mistakes, that they committed errors, but that they will resume the
"assault on heaven."
The
struggle against imperialism
The social peace that was proclaimed with the "new world order"
did not happen. On the contrary, class struggle persists in various forms: in
the ideological, political, economic, cultural and military sphere.
The ebb in the revolutionary and social struggle has been left behind in
almost all countries. At various levels and in various forms, the working
masses, the youth and the peoples are demonstrating against the oppression of
capital and the political reactionaries of the imperialist countries and the
local bourgeoisies.
The impact of the anti-communist offensive has had great repercussions in
all countries; it has struck a blow at but could not wipe out the revolutionary
proletarian formations.
The ideological confusion, the political and organizational dispersion of
the workers and peoples, of the revolutionary parties and organizations is being
overcome by a recomposition, rejuvenation and growth of the trade union and mass
organizations, of the political formations of the left. The betrayals and
desertions, the pessimism and impotence are being pushed aside, into the sewer.
The working class and peoples, as a result of the anti-communist
offensive, had shifted to the defensive, but since the middle of the 1990s they
have begun to recover. The first signs of this were the important general
strikes that took place after several decades in France, Germany, Italy, Spain;
the large strikes of the Russian workers and miners who rose up against the
capitalism that was supposed to set them free; the extraordinary struggles of
the working class in South Korea and the wave of strikes of workers and peasants
that is continuing to develop in China.
When these great events took place there was no lack of soothsayers who
spoke of "economist strikes," of a "functional movement," of
a workers' movement on the defensive. We revolutionary proletarians saw the
contents and the perspectives: the mass participation, the determination, the
rejection of the bureaucratic leadership of the unions; we kept in mind their
limits, but we accentuated their positive aspect, their potential.
Gradually, in an uneven manner, the social movement: the workers, youth,
peoples expressed their rejection of the politics of imperialism and reaction,
of the adjustments ordered by the International Monetary Fund, of neo-liberalism
and globalization.
The general crisis of the system sharpened and led to outbreaks in
Mexico, Russia, the Asian Tigers, in Brazil; it shook Japan and led to a
sustained recession in Germany and the rest of Europe. Later on it hit the
United States. It continues, spreading across the whole planet. Most of all it
hit the economy of the dependent countries, it struck blows against the workers
and peoples, against the youth.
In this period the so-called "new social actors" are expressing
themselves at an important level and in various countries: the women who are
fighting for their place in society, for gender equality and in their more
advanced sectors for social transformation; the ecologists and environmentalists
who are fighting the destruction of the ecosystem by the large transnational
companies and the imperialist countries; the sexual minorities who are
struggling for their rights. Clearly, it is not a matter of "new"
social actors, they were always in the ring, but in recent years, their presence
and actions have been more evident, they have more strength and they have put
forth important demands. This does not mean that the contradiction between labor
and capital has disappeared or that the working class does not continue to be
the motive force of history.
The imposition of globalization: the imperialist policies of undermining
the Nation-State, of imposing free trade for the monopolies, of breaking up
countries and regions to facilitate their domination, are causing a reawakening
of the national movements. It is a very complex and explosive situation. The
peoples, nationalities and ethnic groups are resisting oppression, they are
protesting, they are rising up in arms and are fighting bravely for their
independence, their self-determination, their cultural and national recognition,
for a just multi-culturalism. The national struggle is marked by the class
interests of its protagonists. When the bourgeoisie takes the leadership, it
generally puts forth reactionary proposals, it colludes with one or another
imperialist country; even when the petty bourgeoisie leads these actions, it is
sometimes manipulated by the imperialists. In general the national struggle,
despite these problems and limitations, is an important expression of the
anti-imperialist movement.
In this period, armed conflicts of a national character have broken out
in Asia, Africa and Latin America in opposition to imperialist domination,
important struggles of a national character within multinational countries such
as Ecuador, Mexico, Bolivia, etc. There are also ultra-nationalist and
xenophobic manifestations in which ethnic and tribal differences are manipulated
by the imperialist countries to stir up armed conflicts among the peoples,
especially in Africa.
In response to the gigantic concentration and accumulation of capital in
the large transnational enterprises, in opposition to the politics of
globalization, important actions of resistance and struggle are developing that
call themselves the Anti-Globalization Movement. Their ideologists are bourgeois
intellectuals who are confronting globalizing imperialism from anti-monopoly
positions but not anti-capitalist ones, from ethical positions but not social
ones. However this movement has significant expressions and manifestations: it
has made itself felt in the arena of polemics and actions, it organizes parallel
events and responses to the large events of the imperialist countries: this was
the case in Seattle, Davos, Prague and Genoa, it organized forums and
demonstrations which included workers, youth and intellectuals who are fighting
to exceed the limits of resistance and to pass on to the offensive. It is
promoting the World Social Forum.
In opposition to the war policies of the imperialists and particularly to
the expansionist plans and actions of the USA, there is a growing public opinion
opposed to the war, which it is denouncing, unmasking and fighting. This is
expressed in the formation of a broad movement against the war, which is holding
large demonstrations in the streets and plazas of North American and European
cities. This movement contains the most varied social sectors, the
intellectuals, youth and workers; it includes men and women of varying political
positions. Its cause is just and for that reason it is shared by millions of
human beings who are demonstrating in various ways and in different degrees
against the war. At present, that movement is centered on opposition to the U.S.
war against Iraq, but internally conditions exist for it to be projected against
all wars of imperialist aggression.
The class struggle, in recent years, has seen popular uprisings that
began with the protest of the masses against the harsh material and economic
blows of the neo-liberal policies of finance capital and soon reached great
heights and aimed at political power, against corrupt and tyrannical
governments, and ended by overthrowing them.
Such events took place in 1996 in Albania when the anger of the working
masses of town and country broke out against the robbery by the banks which made
off with the savings of the population. On that occasion a popular revolt began
in Tirana and soon spread to the whole country. A good section of the Albanian
people were armed and very soon they organized militias which struck a blow
against the reactionary government that had replaced the popular power. In
reality events took place that threatened to lead to civil war.
On the other side of the world, in Indonesia in 1998 a great popular
revolt took place: the student youth and the working masses of town and country
erupted into the streets of Jakarta and soon the struggle spread to the whole
country. This great battle of the masses took place after more than thirty years
of suffering under an odious anti-communist dictatorship, which had ousted a
democratic government in 1965 and committed a real massacre of the masses and
the communists. The persistent struggle of the revolutionaries, of the workers
and peasants of Indonesia which had developed in secrecy, under harsh
conditions, broke out and very soon destroyed the corruption and the repression
of the Suharto dictatorship. Large waves of masses erupted into the streets,
confronting harsh repression, disbanded the government and overthrew it. These
actions overthrew a government imposed by force, which had boasted of having
defeated the communists forever, which was maintained with the support of
imperialism and international reaction, which was displayed to the world as a
paradigm of democracy and of the superiority of capitalism over socialism.
In 1997 a popular uprising took place in our country which ousted the
corrupt government of Bucaram that tried to carry through neo-liberal policies:
the mass revolt was centered in Quito, but developed on a large scale across the
length and breadth of the country. It was an unusual event. The protests of the
workers, of the indigenous people, of the youth and the democratic sectors aimed
initially at the economic adjustment measures ordered by the International
Monetary Fund, but very soon became darts aimed at the government and demanding
its resignation. The streets, plazas, highways and countryside were the scene of
angry masses who were able to see clearly the need to oust Bucaram. That action
ended in a great popular victory.
The analysts of the "left" and right compared the events to the
great revolt of 1944 that ousted the government of Arroyo del Río. They
celebrated it, but they warned that it was an isolated, extraordinary event that
would not reoccur for another fifty years.
Beginning in February of 1997 in Ecuador there took place, at various
levels but throughout the country, important days of popular struggle: workers'
strikes, peasant actions of shutting roads, intermittent but serious struggles
of the student youth, teachers and neighborhood residents. The indigenous
movement reached new expressions and heights, expressing its demands and
problems, but also in relation to general questions, to politics. In 1999 big
popular actions developed that affected the life of the whole country, that
involved millions of people and made the Christian Democratic government totter.
The popular movement has been on the increase ever since.
In Ecuador the year 2000 began with new expressions of the popular
movement: the workers and peasants, the youth and teachers, the indigenous
peoples carried out actions that demanded the cessation of the functions of the
President of the Republic, the National Congress and the Courts of Justice. The
country was plunged into the worst economic crisis in more than 70 years. The
bourgeois institutions were largely discredited. In those conditions, new actors
appeared on the scene, a group of Army Colonels who proclaimed their rebellion
against governmental corruption and ineptitude. They rebelled and together with
the indigenous peoples they proclaimed a National Salvation Government.
This event constituted a voice of order. While the plotters negotiated
with the Military High Command, the popular masses launched into a struggle at
new levels. In all the provincial capitals, provincial governments were formed
and institutional buildings were taken over; similar actions developed in many
of the municipalities.
The popular movement, which had fought for several weeks in two large
columns, one led by the Patriotic Front and the other by the CONAIE [National
Confederation of the Indigenous Peoples of Ecuador], on January 21 merged into a
single torrent, which achieved extraordinary exploits.
The conciliatory attitudes of the leadership of the CONAIE made possible
the imposition of the imperialist mandate of constitutional succession. The
battle ended at dawn on January 22 with a readjustment of accounts among the
bourgeoisie.
The popular movement, which had been capable of great actions, did not
have the ability to continue the struggle for its objectives that it had put
forward, in the popular assemblies, in the Congress of the People and in the
Parliament of the Peoples of Ecuador.
The popular masses had the audacity to attempt to storm heaven, they
advanced to a certain degree, but they had not obtained their objective.
In the year 2000 in the Philippines the working masses of town and
country, the youth led a great uprising against the measures of the
International Monetary Fund, against corruption, and they demanded the
resignation of the President. Once again the peoples showed their capacity for
battle, the political perspectives of their struggle and they achieved an
important victory, the overthrow of the government.
On December 19, 2001 large contingents of men and women fought in the
streets of Buenos Aires against the impact of the economic crisis that broke out
over convertibility; the repressive forces were used to the fullest and they
engaged in savage repression, leaving several dozens dead. The masses demanded
the resignation of the President. On the evening of December 20, President De La
Rúa resigned, complying with the orders of the United States State Department.
Argentina was plunged into a great economic crisis and torrents of
dissatisfaction of the masses of workers and peasants, the unemployed, youth,
teachers and the retired accumulated. New forms of struggle, the blockading of
highways and streets; new forms of organization, the picketers and committees of
the unemployed, developed. The revolutionary left fought incessantly and
organized the uprising which in the end took place.
Millions of poor Argentines, from the city and the countryside, came out
in the streets, besieged the institutions and threw out several governments in a
few days.
The responses of imperialism and the Argentine capitalists to the popular
uprising could not make it subside. The strikes, mobilizations, seizures of
supermarkets and food, the besieging of banks and other institutions took place
intermittently. The struggle continues and the end is still to be determined. In
all ways, the workers and their political organizations of the left are
advancing, growing qualitatively.
Other such demonstrations of the struggle of the masses took place in
various countries of the world: in Paraguay the workers and peasants in great
days of struggle had an impact on the political life of the country; in Brazil
the Movement of the Landless and other sectors of the working people took part
in a hard struggle against their conditions of misery and in the struggle for
their rights, in Bolivia the indigenous people and peasants burst into the
cities and made the bourgeois institutions totter. Similar events are taking
place in Costa Rica, in various Asian countries.
In Latin America, in recent years, there has been an important
development of the democratic forces, of the left and revolutionaries who are
participating in the electoral struggle. Alternatives proposals such as those of
Chávez in Venezuela, Lula in Brazil and Gutiérrez in Ecuador won electoral
victories; the forces that put forth the candidacy of Evo Morales in Bolivia the
grew significantly, and the Broad Front in Uruguay is one of the most likely
choices in the next electoral process. These are new situations that show the
sharpening of the contradictions with the oligarchies and the advance of the
democratic forces as well as of some who hold nationalist and patriotic
positions. In each case, they have awakened great expectations among the masses
and reactionary conspiracies by imperialism and its servants. Objectively these
events show qualitative changes in the balance of forces on a regional scale.
A
new revolutionary wave
For several years we have said that the defeat of the revolution and
socialism meant a great setback for the proletariat and the peoples, but that it
in no way showed the inviability of socialism or the supremacy of capitalism.
At the same time, we said that the ebb had touched bottom and that we are
passing through a process of reawakening of the revolutionary movement of the
workers and peoples, that it would reach a new high in the struggle of the
masses and finally a new revolutionary upsurge, a new revolutionary wave. Now,
faced with these events, we state emphatically that a new wave of revolutionary
struggle has begun. It will unfold unevenly in different continents and
countries and one day it will again break the chain of imperialist domination,
at the weakest link, and the workers and peoples, the revolutionary proletarians
have the ability to lead the popular torrent toward a rupture with the system.
Imperialism
and capitalism are enmeshed in crisis, harassed by the struggle of the workers
and peoples
Globalization and neo-liberalism have weakened the revolutionary movement
of the masses, but they cannot put an end to the resistance and struggle of the
workers and peoples, not can they eliminate the competition among the monopolies
and the imperialist countries. The "new world order" proclaimed by the
U.S. imperialists, in these conditions, cannot be realized.
The terrorist attack of September 11 was made into a new condition for
the attempt to establish the omnipotence of U.S. imperialism. Based of the
partial military victory that it won in Afghanistan, the Bush administration
believed that the time had come to impose its absolute control by consensus
among its allies and by force on the rest of the world.
The imperialist war and State terrorism provoked by the United States
with a great display of weapons and technology made them think that they were
omnipotent. They boasted of their military victory over the poorest country on
earth, politically isolated and badly armed. That victory has filled the U.S.
imperialists with euphoria and pride and the opportunists and the weak with fear
and impotence.
There were many analysts who predicted that the new conditions would make
the struggle against imperialism very difficult and that it would be impossible
to overcome capitalism. They proclaimed the need to humanize capitalism, to
oppose globalization and neo-liberalism from democratic positions. In short, all
kinds of tricks to hide their pessimism in some cases, and their reactionary
militancy in others.
Then came the rebirth of the "new world order," this time in
the hands of George Bush jr.
The uprising in Argentina had the virtue of overcoming pessimism and
impotence. From the South the popular masses shook up the playing field of
imperialist domination.
The
spontaneous movement or the revolutionary movement of the masses
The struggle against imperialism and capitalism registers the actors and
circumstances that we have described briefly.
That same content registers confrontations that are no less sharp and
transcendental in the realm of theory. A great debate is unfolding among the
protagonists and also among the spokespersons, among the "analysts"
and theoreticians of the most varied stripes. There are also developing polemics
among the revolutionaries, but they have a different content and purpose: to
learn from the experiences and lessons and to find the best ways to organize and
make the revolution.
One thing is clear. These large swells of the popular struggle involve
millions of people, they are shaking the world of capital, they are awakening
great expectations, they are becoming reference points for study, examples for
the workers and peoples.
Certain recurring theses claim that those events put the lie to the role
of the political parties of the revolutionary left and particularly to the
communist party. According to those ideas, the new social actors, the indigenous
masses in the case of Ecuador, the unemployed in Argentina, are the main
protagonists, for some, the only ones. Those social sectors are rebelling
against social injustice and corruption and they are fighting for a more just
world, for sustainable development, they are opposed to the tutelage of
political parties and they on no way put forward the dictatorship of the
proletariat in place of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. When the course of
struggle is not contaminated by the political formations of the left, when their
banners are not raised, the movement grows, its advances are unstoppable.
According to those points of view, the new times are leading to a confrontation
and will end in a confluence of "civil society" that will open the
gates to a new dawn.
We will try to analyze these events in their dialectical development:
they are extraordinary expressions of the organization and struggle of the
masses; they are manifestations of the creative ability of the workers and
peoples; they show in their development new forms of struggle and organization.
They are the clearest evidence of the sharpening of the class struggle, of the
fights of the workers against capitalism, of the peoples against imperialism.
They are great struggles of those at the bottom who are shaking the world of
capital. They are a consequence of the tenacious work of the parties and
organizations of the revolutionary left, of the communists on the road to
organize and make the revolution.
The spontaneous character referred to as one of the qualities of these
great movements is relative. Certainly significant contingents of the masses of
fighters take to the streets full of anger, fed up with injustice, exploitation
and poverty, and whose action is based on anger. It is also true that a good
part of the popular fighters are involved in the march of events, infected by
the movement, mobilized by the slogans and general calls, by the surge of
fighters. On the other hand it is also true that in the midst of those battles
there are various political organizations of the revolutionary left, the
communist party and that their presence goes beyond their membership, it
involves the social base of the revolution, the very forces of those political
formations. There are also present various organizations and forms of
social-democracy and opportunism, including bourgeois voices, organizations and
forces that are trying to divert the movement and take advantage of it to settle
their internal disputes. There are large mobilizations in which revolutionaries
and democrats, patriots and rebels flow together with important mass contingents
who are opposed to poverty and corruption, to tyranny and repression.
This circumstance, the relatively spontaneous character of these
struggles, from our point of view, instead of being virtues of the mass
movement, expresses its limits. That would explain, among others things, the
reason why these uprisings, despite their size, only led to the downfall of
certain governments and ministers and of some neo-liberal policies. This allows
imperialism and the local ruling classes to maneuver to control the movement for
their own gain, even to take advantage of it to confront and sometimes to
resolve their own contradictions.
In Albania the popular rebellion, despite its armed contingents, since it
lacked unified leadership and clarity of objectives, threw out one government,
which was replaced by the social democratic party that is maintaining the same
social order.
In Indonesia, the dictatorship was replaced by another bourgeois
government which was just as much a servant of Japanese and U.S. imperialism.
Although the struggle continues, the capitalist system is a harsh reality.
In the Philippines history is repeating itself, the masses only managed
to oust the President, and things are continuing as ever before.
In Ecuador the orders of the U.S. Embassy were imposed and the popular
movement was not able to continue the struggle at the same level and even less
to raise it to new levels of revolutionary violence.
In Argentina the designs of imperialism to smother the flames of the
rebellion of the masses are very clear, facilitating political readjustment
among its servants.
These are the limits of the movement that should be taken into account by
the revolutionaries in order to surpass them. This does not mean, as some claim,
that these budding insurrections are just functional, improvised expressions of
the people's wrath, catalysts for readjusting and maintaining globalization and
neo-liberalism.
We subscribe to the principles of dialectical and historical materialism
that the masses are the makers of history, that the liberation of the workers is
the task of the workers themselves, the Leninist maxim that without
revolutionary theory there cannot be a revolutionary movement; the
indispensability of the existence and work of the revolutionary party of the
proletariat.
Life itself, the exploitation and plunder by imperialism and capitalism,
teaches the workers and peoples the hard roads of subsistence, but it is
revolutionary theory, Marxism-Leninism, that provides them with the arms and
tools of organization and struggle, above all for the overthrow of the system
and the conquest of the new society.
From this perspective the big popular uprisings of which we have spoken
are dress rehearsals for the armed popular insurrection that will overthrow the
world of capital. For that situation (the revolution) to become a reality it is
necessary that the revolutionary organizations, the Marxist-Leninist communist
party keep in mind that the process of the accumulation of forces that
approaches the final battles of the social revolution should count on the study
of these great lessons.
Imperialist globalization and the great crisis that is shaking the system
feed the discontent of the working masses, emphasize the important contingents
of fighters, they form a setting for the work of the revolutionaries, the
investigators and analysts who want to contribute to the cause of national and
social emancipation, they are the crucible that will permit the growth of the
organizations of the revolutionary left, the development of the consciousness of
the masses.
We revolutionaries must conduct our work according to the economic,
social and political conditions of our countries, according to the development
of the situation and keeping in mind the concrete problems.
One of the ways to break the chain of imperialism is to transform these
popular uprisings into armed insurrections of the masses that can, in some
cases, win provisional revolutionary governments and/or open the gates to the
revolutionary civil war, or legitimize guerrilla warfare; in any case, to give
rise to new levels of the revolutionary struggle.
Let us not forget that revolutionary guerrilla warfare, the people's war,
is one of the roads to the conquest of power and that it has not been annulled,
that it has shown its validity and power in the past, leading to the victory of
various processes leading to socialism, and nowadays it is unfolding at
important levels in Colombia, Nepal and the Philippines, in Mexico and Peru.
Whichever of the roads that we must take to overthrow imperialism and its
servants, we revolutionaries have to be clear about our tasks and
responsibilities: we have to build, in the midst of the economic, political and
ideological confrontation, a revolutionary movement of the masses, a people's
armed force and a brave and bold Marxist-Leninist party. We must not forget the
task of dismantling the repressive forces.
Our analysis emphasizes these extraordinary events, to unite the
different forms and levels as the struggle of the workers and peoples against
capital and imperialism unfolds to overthrow them and establish a new world, the
society of the workers, socialism. Therefore, for us ANOTHER WORLD IS POSSIBLE
as a condition of destroying capitalism and to once again begin the march to
socialism. The new world will not arise spontaneously; it will not be gift from
anybody. It must be based on action, the work of the workers and peoples, the
organization and struggle of the revolutionaries, an expression of proletarian
revolutionary theory and the practice. From this viewpoint our proposal assumes
the probability of fulfilling this task and the protagonists of that great
achievement: YES IT IS POSSIBLE TO CHANGE THIS WORLD!
For the millions of people who make up the working masses it is necessary
to put an end to the situation of infamy and misery, for the trade unionists it
is on the agenda to fight for the defense of the labor's gains and to win new
rights, for the national movement it is a vital necessity to defend itself from
the globalizing offensive of imperialism and to take the initiative, for the
youth it is essential to raise the banners of freedom and social transformation,
for the peasant masses it is urgent to fight for their demands, for the women
and ecologists new goals are presented in the fights for social and national
liberation, for the political formations of the left and the revolutionaries,
for the Marxist-Leninist party, the new situation presents challenges to take
up.
Ecuador, January 2003