The position reached at in the movement and the question of
re-construction
Our organisation's ever more effective work in the
post-conference period led to the systematic consolidation and
growth of our party's place in the movement. Also it became
evident that the representatives of the new proletarian
generation who would take the leadership of the movement and the
organisation (a decision of the first Conference) were beginning
to do their work in a more confident way. This development meant
our organisations were beginning to re-construct their
revolutionary characteristics, which had been partially deformed
by liberal provocations, on a more proletarian and revolutionary
position. It also meant the clarification of the process towards
the Second Congress.
Following a five-year harsh struggle which began in 1975 with a
self-criticism which led to stronger ties with the working class
and to the orientation towards Marxism-Leninism, our organisation
succeeded in founding a Communist Party, the TDKP, which has had
a respected position in the eyes of the awakening sections of the
working class and the people of Turkey (Turkish and Kurdish) and
of the International Communist Movement. As a result of the
struggle waged since 1987 when the elimination of the liquidators
took place, our party now has the possibility of re-constructing
itself as a unity of revolutionary workers' organisations leading
the workers' movement, having unbreakable ties with the backward
sections of the workers, and a strong mass base. This was the aim
of the 1980 Founding Congress and the concrete decision and call
of the 1990 Second Conference of the party. The Second Conference
held in 1996 was the final turning point which corrected the
shortcomings of this process, and which approved and shaped the
re-construction.
What is the reason for "re-construction"? Was the party
established in 1980 not a communist working class party, as was
suggested by the liquidators? Were they right in arguing that it
could not be the communist party of the working class because it
was not based on the majority of the vanguards of the working
class. Obviously, this is no more than liquidationist sophistry.
There is no need to dispute that our party emerged as an
organisation representing the working class, and as a
revolutionary communist party. It was established at a time when
revisionism had a monopoly over the working class movement
nationally and internationally, and when a minority of the
working class of Turkey began to awaken and mobilise. For this
reason, our party could not be established embracing all sections
of the workers or their advanced sections as a whole. On the
contrary, it could only be established by basing itself on a
minimum number of workers' organisations and by encouraging other
quality elements from other sections of working people to work
among the workers with the aim of winning over and organising the
advanced sections of the working class as a whole. Even the fact
that our party has considered a re-construction embracing the
advanced and awakening sections of the working class shows that
it is on a correct platform.
Moreover, the unity of the workers' movement and socialism is not
something that happens once. It occurs again and again in
different periods and in different forms stemming from the
phenomena characterising that period. This means the re-building
of the party in every new period of fundamental changes,
maintaining its foundations but taking new forms and appearances.
The dialectic of the foundation and re-building of the party is
one and the same thing as the dialectic of the development of the
workers' movement. Therefore, if our party had not understood the
question of being an independent party of the working class it
would have sunk into a meaningless idealism, just as did the
liquidators.
As is clear in our Conference's decisions and demands, our party
has been going through a period of "re-construction"
for some time. Its organisation and appearance differ from the
previous forms, the illegal main apparatus being intact. Our
party is a unity of different organisations with different forms,
and of overt and covert different relations and forms of
organisation. In the party, the organisation of workers, the
formation and centralisation of organisational life has various
characteristics and bears various appearances. This kind of
formation shows that the movement has advanced compared to the
previous periods.
As long as there are no fundamental changes -positive or
negative- in Turkey or in the workers' movements, the present
characteristics of the formation of the party will remain valid.
Under the present conditions of the country and the movement it
is not possible to help, embrace and organise the movement
through a form other than the present one of work and
organisation which we have and are building today. It is obvious
that the party functions to unite the workers as an independent
revolutionary class. Therefore, our party will never cling on to
one form; it will re-build its organisations on the basis of new
forms which have the ability to embrace the advanced and
awakening sections of the working class of that period, and to
link the workers' movement to the revolutionary movement. The
fact that our party is being re-constructed presents a rich
experience vis-a-vis the narrow-minded schematism which dominates
traditional "left" movement as well as the workers'
movement.
Since the year 1975 when the task of "building the vanguard
party of the working class" was set forth as the "main
task", our party's view, line and practice have been
enriched and developed by understanding, criticising, and
surpassing the previous period in terms of the questions of the
workers' movement, its dynamics, the dialectic of development,
and the forms of organisation and work. The present position of
our party is a vital stage of the ideal that it has been fighting
for since 1975. The 1980 Founding Congress achieved, within the
limitations of that period, the aims set forth previously, and
determined as a concrete organisational task the achievement of
the present position of our party in the movement.
Today we witness the first signs that we are close to achieving
the unity of the awakening sections of the working class in the
party organisation. This was the aim of the First Congress and
reflects the concrete decisions of the First and Second General
Conferences. This is an organisation which is at the centre of
the movement and which is a unity of the revolutionary workers'
organisations having links with the broad masses who are getting
organised. If there is no sudden turning back in the country, it
is seen even today that this will be the ground on which the
Second Congress of our party will develop. Our party's aims,
which were set decades ago and for whose fulfilment we have
consistently fought, are becoming realities today.
The task of the day is to further fulfil our aims and to take
forward our organisations which are growing as proletarian
organisms; to re-set more advanced aims and tasks, and to wage a
determined struggle in order to fulfil them. No other generation
in Turkey has been so lucky as to undertake such great tasks
which mean a historical transformation and qualitative leap for
the working class movement, the results of which can be seen in
the same period. One can be sure that our organisations will
handle this opportunity and these honourable tasks in a
revolutionary manner, undertaking them with enthusiasm and
talent.
The aims can be translated into the following tasks:
The workers' party must become a mass party, embracing the
working class and the awakening sections of the people and their
organisations, further increasing its initiative and dynamism in
daily struggle, and understanding its role in the class struggle.
Our organisations must re-construct themselves as an organic
unity of vanguard and revolutionary workers' organisations which
are in the forefront of the struggle and which embrace the most
advanced elements of the workers' movement in all kinds of trade
unions and political organisations.
It must help the increasing number of conscious workers to act
more courageously and with a greater initiative, and encourage
them to form their organisations and to undertake the management
of these organisations.
As can be seen, the fulfilment of the first two tasks depends on
the third. The party can become a real workers' party only when
the advanced workers form their mass party and organisations,
when they adopt scientific socialist theory with their own point
of view, and when they in practice run their organisations in
their own way. It is only then that the working class of our
country can successfully pass this first, fundamental and
historical junction.
This is the only way of eliminating the remnants of non-class
views with regard to understanding the class struggle and
socialist theory. It is the only way forward for the development
and deepening of our proletarian understanding which has been
strengthened since 1975 onwards. The success of the working class
in taking this historical turning point is of vital international
significance. The role of the party organisations in achieving
this is also obvious. Therefore, the present generations of our
party have to hold on to their tasks with ever increasing
responsibility, talent and dynamism.