The THKO (People's Liberation Army of Turkey), our
predecessor organisation,
and the path that led to the party
In the period that witnessed the 1968 movement and opened the way
to youth movements all over the world, a fresh mass youth
movement sprang up in our country too. This movement differed
from the youth movement in Europe which, insofar as it put
forward the abstract "ideal of freedom" could be
described as semi-anarchist. This is because the movement in
Turkey had a tendency towards socialism and a desire to unite
with the working masses, and coincided with the historical period
when the general awakening of people was accelerating. The 1968
movement was an intellectual movement of youth as well as a mass
movement. Although influenced by various political ideologies
internationally, nevertheless one of the reasons why the 68
movement resulted in the emergence of political groups with their
own features lay here. (By the year 1970, the movement had moved
backward and many political organisations had emerged in line
with this backwardness. Although these organisations claimed to
stand for the proletariat and "socialism", they were
not socialists.)
If we leave aside internal and external ideological-class
reasons, the most important weakness of these new groups was that
they did not unite with the working class movement which was on
the rise. Despite this, the movement, being an intellectual one
and having produced a large vanguard of young people, created
many organisations claiming to be "socialist". The
THKO, the predecessor organisation of our party, was one of those
organisations, founded by Deniz Gezmis, Huseyin Inan, Yusuf
Aslan, Sinan Cemgil and their friends. Deniz Gezmis had a
personality which made him the symbol of the 68 movement. His
friends were the most influential youth leaders. As a result of
this, although the THKO was not born in the period of unification
with the working class, nevertheless it appeared at the head of
other organisations, and became one of the most well-known and
influential organisations of that period.
The THKO's belief was that a small armed group could lead the
revolution by pulling the whole people along with it. It was
honest and genuine in its belief. Therefore, its militants who
were really mass leaders resorted to arms. Armed struggle, first
launched by the THKO, spread quickly with the foundation of other
organisations which also started armed struggle. The armed
struggle initially marked the end of the 68 movement in Turkey.
The mass movement began to decrease towards the end of 1970. The
youth movement turned into an armed struggle of vanguard fighters
against the reactionary forces. The retreating mass movement and
the spreading armed struggle were finally smashed by capital, by
means of the US-backed military fascist coup and the
semi-military fascist regime which followed. This was how the
1968 movement and the organisations of armed struggle, inspired
by this movement, developed and this has since been called the
"1971 left movement".
There have been many comments on the 1971 military fascist coup
and the semi-military fascist regime. The younger generations can
obtain the information regarding that period from various
documents of our party and other materials. With the 12 March
1971 coup, martial law was declared all over the country. The
mass movement was smashed. Workers' and youth organisations were
banned. Thousands of youth and hundreds of intellectuals were
imprisoned. Parliament was put under military control and a
"witch hunt" began. Some of the founders and leaders of
organisations such as the THKO, THKP-C (People's Liberation Party
of Turkey-Front) and TKP-ML (Communist Party of Turkey-ML) which
represented the 1971 movement were killed in the streets, in
torture chambers and on the mountains. Many others were tortured,
arrested and imprisoned for long periods. The founders of the
THKO, Deniz Gezmis , Yusuf Aslan and Huseyin Inan, who were
arrested at the beginning of 1971 were executed on 6 May 1972.
This was the declaration of the defeat of the movement.
The 1971 left movement was of a democratic character, and the
THKO, which played a significant role in this movement, was a
revolutionary organisation. Nevertheless, they represented a
petit-bourgeois adventurist line. This movement and this
organisation did not represent the view, perspective or path of
proletarian socialism or the working class; thus it had to face
inevitable defeat. Nevertheless, the THKO was founded as a
reaction against the 50-year-old revisionist line which had
dominated the "left" movement in Turkey in the name of
socialism. Unfortunately, it could not take the path of uniting
with the working class, mostly because of international reasons
and the destruction caused by this 50-year-old revisionist line
which it could not overcome ideologically.
Despite this, the 1971 movement in general and the THKO in
particular, sprang from the people of Turkey; they were
represented by the most advanced youth who had the strongest
links with the people. And no one could prevent the emergence out
of this movement of a proletarian socialist (Marxist-Leninist)
current based on the working class.
As a matter of fact, along with Deniz Gezmis and his
friends'loyalty to the people and revolution, the slogans they
chanted on the gallows, indicated their beliefs in
Marxism-Leninism. The 12 March 1971 coup meant defeat and
liquidation but it could not succeed in wiping out the movement.
This period ended with the organisations recovering themselves.
Some of these underwent a process of self-criticism on a
reformist basis, which caused divisions. In terms of the THKO,
our predecessor organisation, this period was one of
self-criticism which, however, resulted in the embrace of
Marxism-Leninism, and an orientation towards unity with the
working class. This process of evaluation and self-criticism
launched by the remaining militants of the THKO paralleled the
loyalty to the working class and Marxism-Leninism that Deniz
Gezmis and his friends had previously declared on the gallows.
This is because this process aimed for unity with the working
class and keeping the line of constructing the revolutionary
communist party as an independent class party. The
self-criticism, which matured in 1973 and 1974 and developed
further in the following years, marked permanently the route of
the later development of our party and showed the road leading to
unification with the working class.
The process of self-criticism which began after the 1971 defeat
developed with the recovery in 1973-74 and passed the first
crucial stage in 1975. This also encouraged some of the sections
of the TKP-ML and THKP-C, the elements of the "1971
movement", themselves to move towards the trend of
self-criticism, in line with our party. Our party advanced along
the path opened up by its pamphlets called "The
Self-criticism of the Past" and "The Problem of the
Marxist-Leninist Party". The Provisional Central Committee
was founded in 1975 and afterwards the illegal central
theoretical publication Yoldas (Comrade) was first
published. Yoldas's publication was a vital step for our
party in basing itself on the working class, in its ideological
war against every kind of reformist, revisionist, modern
revisionist and adventurous currents, and in establishing the
organisational and ideological bases of the party. Yoldas
, which is still carrying out its function, has not only been one
of the most important elements for the victory of Leninism in our
organisation, for the reconstruction of the organisation, and for
the self-criticism period; it has also been an organ for
accelerating the self-criticism process in other groups forming
their own organisations and in pulling them towards the aim of
unity among revolutionaries and the founding of a united class
party.
This first issue of Yoldas included articles on
"criticism of the adventurism of the petit bourgeoisie"
and on "the defence of the understanding that the revolution
is the work of the masses'. The main theme was to understand the
social and historical role and the function of the working class.
In an article in the same issue, it was emphasised that the THKO
must base itself on the working class and organise within the
class; and it declared the organisation, as its main task, must
establish an independent revolutionary party of the working
class. This was because without the practical leadership of the
working class, it was impossible to make the change towards
revolution and socialism. The working class could only reach
victory through its revolutionary party. In spite of its
shortcomings and mistakes, which would be corrected and tackled
later, the ideas declared in the first issue of Yoldas
set out the fundamental line of our organisation. The
organisation took the path which enabled it to start transforming
itself into a Marxist-Leninist organisation: "The
reconstruction of the THKO with its central body, the formation
of the Provisional Central Committee (PCC), and the publication
of Yoldas have constituted a crucial turning point in the
development of the THKO".(Materials of the 1980 TDKP
Congress)