The THKO (People's Liberation Army of Turkey), our predecessor
organisation,
and the path that led to the party
In the period that witnessed the 1968 movement and opened the way to youth
movements all over the world, a fresh mass youth movement sprang up in our
country too. This movement differed from the youth movement in Europe which,
insofar as it put forward the abstract "ideal of freedom" could be
described as semi-anarchist. This is because the movement in Turkey had a tendency
towards socialism and a desire to unite with the working masses, and coincided
with the historical period when the general awakening of people was
accelerating. The 1968 movement was an intellectual movement of youth as well
as a mass movement. Although influenced by various political ideologies
internationally, nevertheless one of the reasons why the 68 movement resulted
in the emergence of political groups with their own features lay here. (By the
year 1970, the movement had moved backward and many political organisations had
emerged in line with this backwardness. Although these organisations claimed to
stand for the proletariat and "socialism", they were not socialists.)
If we leave aside internal and external ideological-class reasons, the most
important weakness of these new groups was that they did not unite with the
working class movement which was on the rise. Despite this, the movement, being
an intellectual one and having produced a large vanguard of young people,
created many organisations claiming to be "socialist". The THKO, the
predecessor organisation of our party, was one of those organisations, founded
by Deniz Gezmis, Huseyin Inan, Yusuf Aslan, Sinan Cemgil and their friends.
Deniz Gezmis had a personality which made him the symbol of the 68 movement.
His friends were the most influential youth leaders. As a result of this,
although the THKO was not born in the period of unification with the working
class, nevertheless it appeared at the head of other organisations, and became
one of the most well-known and influential organisations of that period.
The THKO's belief was that a small armed group could lead the revolution by
pulling the whole people along with it. It was honest and genuine in its
belief. Therefore, its militants who were really mass leaders resorted to arms.
Armed struggle, first launched by the THKO, spread quickly with the foundation
of other organisations which also started armed struggle. The armed struggle
initially marked the end of the 68 movement in Turkey. The mass movement began
to decrease towards the end of 1970. The youth movement turned into an armed
struggle of vanguard fighters against the reactionary forces. The retreating
mass movement and the spreading armed struggle were finally smashed by capital,
by means of the US-backed military fascist coup and the semi-military fascist
regime which followed. This was how the 1968 movement and the organisations of
armed struggle, inspired by this movement, developed and this has since been
called the "1971 left movement".
There have been many comments on the 1971 military fascist coup and the
semi-military fascist regime. The younger generations can obtain the
information regarding that period from various documents of our party and other
materials. With the 12 March 1971 coup, martial law was declared all over the
country. The mass movement was smashed. Workers' and youth organisations were
banned. Thousands of youth and hundreds of intellectuals were imprisoned.
Parliament was put under military control and a "witch hunt" began.
Some of the founders and leaders of organisations such as the THKO, THKP-C
(People's Liberation Party of Turkey-Front) and TKP-ML (Communist Party of
Turkey-ML) which represented the 1971 movement were killed in the streets, in
torture chambers and on the mountains. Many others were tortured, arrested and
imprisoned for long periods. The founders of the THKO, Deniz Gezmis , Yusuf
Aslan and Huseyin Inan, who were arrested at the beginning of 1971 were
executed on 6 May 1972. This was the declaration of the defeat of the movement.
The 1971 left movement was of a democratic character, and the THKO, which
played a significant role in this movement, was a revolutionary organisation.
Nevertheless, they represented a petit-bourgeois adventurist line. This movement
and this organisation did not represent the view, perspective or path of
proletarian socialism or the working class; thus it had to face inevitable
defeat. Nevertheless, the THKO was founded as a reaction against the
50-year-old revisionist line which had dominated the "left" movement
in Turkey in the name of socialism. Unfortunately, it could not take the path
of uniting with the working class, mostly because of international reasons and
the destruction caused by this 50-year-old revisionist line which it could not
overcome ideologically.
Despite this, the 1971 movement in general and the THKO in particular, sprang
from the people of Turkey; they were represented by the most advanced youth who
had the strongest links with the people. And no one could prevent the emergence
out of this movement of a proletarian socialist (Marxist-Leninist) current
based on the working class.
As a matter of fact, along with Deniz Gezmis and his friends'loyalty to the
people and revolution, the slogans they chanted on the gallows, indicated their
beliefs in Marxism-Leninism. The 12 March 1971 coup meant defeat and
liquidation but it could not succeed in wiping out the movement. This period
ended with the organisations recovering themselves. Some of these underwent a
process of self-criticism on a reformist basis, which caused divisions. In
terms of the THKO, our predecessor organisation, this period was one of
self-criticism which, however, resulted in the embrace of Marxism-Leninism, and
an orientation towards unity with the working class. This process of evaluation
and self-criticism launched by the remaining militants of the THKO paralleled
the loyalty to the working class and Marxism-Leninism that Deniz Gezmis and his
friends had previously declared on the gallows. This is because this process
aimed for unity with the working class and keeping the line of constructing the
revolutionary communist party as an independent class party. The
self-criticism, which matured in 1973 and 1974 and developed further in the
following years, marked permanently the route of the later development of our
party and showed the road leading to unification with the working class.
The process of self-criticism which began after the 1971 defeat developed with
the recovery in 1973-74 and passed the first crucial stage in 1975. This also
encouraged some of the sections of the TKP-ML and THKP-C, the elements of the
"1971 movement", themselves to move towards the trend of
self-criticism, in line with our party. Our party advanced along the path opened
up by its pamphlets called "The Self-criticism of the Past" and
"The Problem of the Marxist-Leninist Party". The Provisional Central
Committee was founded in 1975 and afterwards the illegal central theoretical
publication Yoldas (Comrade) was first published. Yoldas's
publication was a vital step for our party in basing itself on the working
class, in its ideological war against every kind of reformist, revisionist,
modern revisionist and adventurous currents, and in establishing the
organisational and ideological bases of the party. Yoldas , which is
still carrying out its function, has not only been one of the most important
elements for the victory of Leninism in our organisation, for the
reconstruction of the organisation, and for the self-criticism period; it has
also been an organ for accelerating the self-criticism process in other groups
forming their own organisations and in pulling them towards the aim of unity
among revolutionaries and the founding of a united class party.
This first issue of Yoldas included articles on "criticism of the
adventurism of the petit bourgeoisie" and on "the defence of the
understanding that the revolution is the work of the masses'. The main theme
was to understand the social and historical role and the function of the
working class. In an article in the same issue, it was emphasised that the THKO
must base itself on the working class and organise within the class; and it
declared the organisation, as its main task, must establish an independent
revolutionary party of the working class. This was because without the
practical leadership of the working class, it was impossible to make the change
towards revolution and socialism. The working class could only reach victory
through its revolutionary party. In spite of its shortcomings and mistakes,
which would be corrected and tackled later, the ideas declared in the first
issue of Yoldas set out the fundamental line of our organisation. The
organisation took the path which enabled it to start transforming itself into a
Marxist-Leninist organisation: "The reconstruction of the THKO with its
central body, the formation of the Provisional Central Committee (PCC), and the
publication of Yoldas have constituted a crucial turning point in the
development of the THKO".(Materials of the 1980 TDKP Congress)